The Jesuit relations and allied documents : travels and explorations of the Jesuit missionaries in New France, 1610-1791 Volume 45

> * Hi

1-0

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

VOL. XLV

The edition consists of sev
en hundred and fifty sets
all numbered

No.

FRANQOIS XAVIER DE LAVAL-MONTMORENCY.

: AW SOCIETY

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS

OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES

IN NEW FRANCE

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL
IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA
TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY
PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. XLV

LOWER CANADA, ACADIA, IROQUOIS,
OTTAWAS: 1659-1660

CLEVELAND: Sbe JBurrows JBrotbew
Company PUBLISHERS, MDCCCXCIX

COPYRIGHT, 1899

BY
THE BURROWS BROTHERS Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor

Translators .

Assistant Editor
Bibliographical Adviser

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
FINLOW ALEXANDER
PERCY FAVOR BICKNELL
CRAWFORD LINDSAY
L WILLIAM PRICE
EMMA HELEN BLAIR
VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS

CONTENTS OF VOL XLV

PREFACE TO VOLUME XLV . . g

DOCUMENTS :-

XCIX. Lettre au T. R. P. Goswin Nickel,
Ge"ne"ral de la Compagnie de J6sus, a
Rome. Francois de Laval; Quebec,
August, 1659 . . . . 2 o

C. Lettres envoiees de la Novvelle France
.... Par le R. P. Hier. Lalle-
mant Superieur des Mifsions. Anon
ymous; Kebec, September 12, October
10, October 16, 1659 .28

CI. Journal des PP. J6suites. Jean de Quen,
Quebec, January i to September 7,
1659; Hierosme Lalemant, September
7, 1659 to Christmas, 1660 . . 78

CII. Relation deceqvis est passe .... en
la Novvelle France, es anne"es mil fix
cent cinquante neuf & mil fix cent
foixante. [Chaps, i.- iv. , first install
ment of the document.] [Hierosme
Lalemant], n.p., n.d. . . .169
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME XLV . 263
NOTES 269

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XLV

I. Frangois Xavier de Laval- Montmorency,
first Bishop of Quebec; photo-engrav
ing from original oil portrait in Laval
University, Quebec . . Frontispiece

II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Let-

tres of Jerome Lalemant . 28

III. Photographic facsimile of signature of

Jerome Lalemant, S.J., attached to
concession in handwriting of Paul
Ragueneau, S.J. . . Facing 160

IV. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Rela

tion of 1659-60 . . . .172

PREFACE TO VOL XLV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained
in the present volume :

XCIX. The new bishop, Laval, writes (August,
1659) to the father general, expressing his obligations
to the Jesuits for the care and instruction he had
received from them in his youth; and praising the
excellent work done by them in Canada, among not
only the savages but the French.

C. There is no formal Relation for the year 1659;
but early in the following year appeared from the
Cramoisy press a thin volume, containing three
(unsigned) letters from Quebec, forwarded by Jerome
Lalemant, the superior, which gave a brief outline
of affairs in the Canada mission for the past year.

The first of these epistles (dated September 12,
1659) is mainly devoted to the coming of Bishop
Laval to Canada. The joy of this event is shadowed
by the treachery of the Iroquois, who notwith
standing they had made " a thousand promises of
peace, with oaths as solemn as can be expected from
a barbarous nation have again commenced hostili
ties. The Mohawks have taken several French
captives, whom they have tortured, and intend to
burn to death, although their own tribesmen who
had been imprisoned at Quebec were kindly treated,
and were set free without any injury to even a hair
of their heads." Even the Onondagas, forgetting

10 PREFACE TO VOL. XLV

the labors of the Jesuits in their behalf, have tor
tured a French prisoner.

Frangois de Laval, the new bishop, is " received
as an Angel of consolation, sent from Heaven. He
shows great interest in the savages, and at once
begins ministrations to their spiritual needs. He
administers the rite of confirmation to a hundred of
the best Christians, Algonkin and Huron ; and then
makes a feast for them, at which he serves them with
his own hands, as an example of humility.

The second letter (dated October 10, 1659), de-
scribes the piety and devotion manifested by the
Huron and Algonkin converts ; the blessed deaths of
several are described. Laval is full of zeal for the
spread of the gospel, and plans to send the Jesuits
on missions to far-distant peoples. For such work
some are already preparing, by learning the lan
guages of those tribes.

In the third letter (dated October 16, 1659), is an
account of the mission in Acadia. Three priests
are laboring there; one of these, Jacques Fre"min,
has wintered with the savages, among whom he has
gained several converts. Among these is a captive
belonging to an Eskimo tribe, of which people and
their customs some description is given. She
becomes crazed, on one occasion, but is quickly cured
by sprinkling with holy water. This occurrence
converts from heresy the interpreter of the post.
Bishop Laval has visited Gaspe" and confirmed 140
persons.

CI. In this volume we give the Journal des Jt suites
for the two years 1659-60. It is written by De Quen
until September, 1659; thereafter by Jerome Lale-
mant. In March of the former year, the habitants

PREFACE TO VOL. XLV 11

of Beaupre lodge complaint against a priest there,
one Vaillant. By command of the governor, the
matter is investigated, eighty-three witnesses being
examined; and Vaillant is condemned to pay the
costs. In the course of the summer, he returns to
France.

Early in April, Oneida ambassadors come to Que
bec, to secure the release of the Iroquois prisoners
there, and to invite the Jesuits to return to Onondaga.
Some of the captives are released, but the envoys are
rebuked for the perfidy hitherto shown toward the
French ; and the Jesuits will not go back until there
is some prospect of safety for them. On the seven
teenth of May, Le Moyne goes on an embassy to the
Mohawks, accompanied by the prisoners of that tribe
released by the governor, two Algonkin envoys, and
a Frenchman. Early in June, various bands of Iro
quois are seen prowling about the French settlements ;
they even capture three Frenchmen. On the six
teenth, Bishop Laval arrives. Le Moyne returns
from the Mohawk country July 3, accompanied by
envoys from that tribe; they are allowed to take
away their hostages from Quebec. Several trading
fleets from the North come down, laden with furs.

August 7, the Abb6 de Queylus arrives from Mont
real ; he is lodged in the fort. Notwithstanding the
professions of the Iroquois that they desire peace,
they again attack the French, late in August, cap
turing eight near Three Rivers; these they carry
home, to burn them. News comes that the French
prisoner at Onondaga has been burned to death ; and
that the Mohawks, having secured the release of
their prisoners, intend to carry on war with the
French and their allies.

12 PREFACE TO VOL. XLV

A ship from France arrives September 7, bring
ing, among others, Jeanne Mance and three hospital
nuns for Montreal. On the voyage, a contagious
fever breaks out among the passengers, a half-score
of whom die from it. Others, still ill, spread the
disease after landing; and several deaths occur at
Quebec among them that of Father de Quen (Octo
ber 8), who had contracted the malady while nursing
the sick men. A dispute arises over the location of
the seats in church occupied by the bishop and the
governor; it is settled through the intervention of
D Ailleboust. De Quen is succeeded (September 8)
by Jerome Lalemant, as superior of the Canada mis
sions. Abbe de Queylus attempts to exercise authori
ty as vicar-general; but Laval also has credentials
conferring this dignity upon him, dated three days
later than those of the Abb6, who is therefore com
pelled to desist. De Queylus soon afterward returns
to France.

An important consultation is held by the Fathers,
on September 12. They discuss the question,
whether to enlarge their chapel, or build a new one;
decision of this is postponed until next year. The
Indian colony at Sillery is to be consolidated with
the French population there. The Jesuit house at
Quebec narrowly escapes destruction by fire, October
31. On the next day, the Algonkin warriors return
from an expedition against the Mohawks ; they bring
as a captive a little boy, whose life is ransomed by
the Jesuits for 3,000 porcelain beads.

The Fathers decide to pay regularly the board of
a child at the seminary, one year for each beneficiary.
The first appointed to receive this charity is Joseph
Dubuisson. An experiment is begun this year, in

PREFACE TO VOL. XLV 13

sending a priest to winter at Tadoussac; Albanel is
sent on this errand. The question of selling liquor
to the savages is discussed at a meeting held at
Laval s house. On St. Xavier s day, the Jesuits are
unable to entertain any guests at dinner; " the prin
cipal reason for this was, that to invite the Bishop
without the Governor, aut contra, would cause Jeal
ousy, and neither will yield the first place to the
other." Later, a hot dispute arises between these
two dignitaries, as to precedence in being incensed
in church. The Jesuits act as arbiters between them,
and settle the dispute by a formal document drawn
up for this purpose, and deposited in their archives.

On New- Year s day, 1660, Lalemant and Dablon
go to call upon the bishop and the governor. At the
fort, they are honored by the soldiers with a salvo
of musketry. To show their appreciation of this
compliment, they send each soldier a rosary, a pot
of brandy, and a livre of tobacco. The Jesuits, this
month, make some concessions on their lands at
Beauport. During the next two months, there is
but little record of anything except ecclesiastical
ceremonies. But on April ist " a great sensation "
is caused by an act of Father Albanel s. At Tadous
sac, he has married a Frenchman to an Indian woman,
" without publishing any banns, and without giving
notice of it to the relatives, or to monseigneur the
Bishop or monsieur the Governor." At this time,
there is great scarcity of wheat in the country ; but
the Jesuits have a considerable supply, which they
sell at the former ordinary price, " not being willing
to take advantage of the distress of the country."

Excommunication is published, May 6, against
those who give intoxicating liquors to the savages.

14 PREFACE TO VOL. XLV

Tadoussac Indians return from an expedition against
the Iroquois, with a wounded captive, whom they
burn to death. The nuns of both convents fear
ing the enemy, as their houses are not in a state of
defense at night take refuge at the Jesuit resi
dence, during a week or more. Early in June news
comes from Montreal of a fight in which a party of
French and Hurons have been defeated by an army
of 700 Iroquois. Louis d Ailleboust, so long a
prominent figure in the Montreal colony, dies on
May 31. On June 12, "the first ship from Norman
dy made its appearance, in consequence of the new
treaty respecting the Trade of the country, made by
the sieur de Becancour."

In July, D Argenson, the governor, goes to Three
Rivers. While there, he sets out with a hundred
men in pursuit of an Iroquois band ; the French are
lured into the enemy s ambuscade, but fortunately
escape without loss. The Ottawa trading fleet comes
down this year, from Lake Superior, with furs worth
200,000 livres. The explorer Groseilliers accom
panies them ; he has spent the past year with one of
the great Siouan tribes beyond Lake Superior.
When the Ottawas return, MSnard, Albanel, and the
donne Gue"rin depart with them; Albanel, however,
is obliged by his savage escort to leave the party, at

Montreal.

Escaped Huron captives bring, in November,
news of another large Iroquois force which has set
out for the St. Lawrence. At the Christmas cere
monies, the bishop forgets to order that he be awak
ened in time for the midnight mass; accordingly,
he and all his people barely escape being absent
thereat.

PREFACE TO VOL. XLV 15

CII. We present in this volume Chaps, i.-iv. of
the Relation of 1659-60; the remainder will be given
in Vol. XLVI. It is accredited to Lalemant, as
superior of the Canadian missions, although his
name does not appear as its writer. He begins by
contrasting the peaceful and prosperous condition of
Old France with the sad and gloomy aspect of affairs
in the New, caused by the cruel and harassing war
incessantly waged by the Iroquois against the French
colonists. While these chant the Te Deum, they
seem to hear at the same time our captive French
men singing on the scaffolds of the Iroquois, as they
are compelled to do at that barbarous ceremony."
Not only this, but the same fierce enemy drives back
the Northern tribes from the St. Lawrence, and thus
at once checks the fur trade, the life of the country,
and prevents the spread of the gospel among the
heathen nations. Efforts are being made in France
to aid Canada ; and this gives its people some hope
of deliverance. If only the danger from the Iroquois
were removed, the prospects of the colonies would
be excellent. The soil is productive, and the climate
salubrious; there is abundance of wood for fuel, and
of fish and game for food. Many of the settlers are
living in comfort and independence. A powerful
appeal is made for relief from France, since Canada
is liable, at any time, to be laid waste by the Iro
quois, and Quebec is the only well- fortified post.
Only the providence of God has thus far averted that
danger; it is now time for France to send troops
hither, to defend the country.

Lalemant sketches the history, character, and
political condition of the Iroquois tribes. They had
been, in the past, defeated and crushed by both the

16 PREFACE TO VOL. XLV

Algonkins and the Andastes ; but, of late, have in
turn almost annihilated those tribes. This present
supremacy is due to the firearms furnished to them
by the Dutch ; this advantage and their own fierce
courage have enabled them, although comparatively
few in numbers, to " hold dominion for five hundred
leagues around. " Lalemant estimates the number of
warriors in the five Iroquois tribes at 2,200. Even
these are not all of pure Iroquois stock; of such,
there are only some " 1,200 in all the five Nations,
since these are, for the most part, only aggregations
of different tribes whom they have conquered." Vari
ous incidents are narrated to show the bravery and
the adroitness of certain Iroquois warriors; but
" knavery is much more common with them than
courage, and their cruelty far exceeds their knavery."
They have broken every one of their solemn prom
ises to the French ; and Lalemant says that his pen
" has no ink black enough to describe " their cruel
ties. Withal, they are cowardly in the face of a
stronger foe ; and Lalemant urges that a French army
be sent into the Mohawk country, which they could
easily subdue. This would intimidate the other
tribes; and, as a result, " those fair Missions would
be revived " in all those nations, and in many others
beyond.

A chapter is devoted to an account of the Algonkin
tribes, who have fled westward from the Iroquois.
This is taken from a narrative by one of the Fathers
(probably Druillettes), who had recently met, far
up the Saguenay, a converted Indian, who has spent
the last two years in wandering through the region
of Lake Superior and Hudson Bay, and describes to
the Father what he has there seen. The fugitive

PREFACE TO VOL. XLV 17

Algonkins have fled to those shores for refuge. The
mines of that region are described. Indian reports
of a western sea lead to some curious speculations
regarding the short water-route to China and Japan
which was then a general article of belief. The prin
cipal tribes around Hudson Bay are mentioned, also
the fauna of that region. Not only do the people of
that desolate land find abundant provision of meat
in the flesh of the deer that abound there, but they
use the antlers of the stags for fuel.

This account is supplemented by information
obtained from Radisson and Groseilliers, who have
just returned from another long voyage to the West.
They encountered, in Northeastern Illinois, the fugi
tive remnant of the Tobacco tribe, who have there
taken refuge from the Iroquois. The explorers visit
the Sioux tribes, and greatly admire the justice
which is there rigidly dispensed to unfaithful wives,
whose noses are cut off, " that they may bear, graven
on their faces, the penalty and shame of their sin."
The Assiniboins, having but little wood, use coal for
fuel, and live in huts covered with skins, or plastered
with mud. Even to them come the fierce Iroquois,
keeping them, like the Ottawas, in fear and misery.
All this news of many tribes who dwell in the dark
ness of paganism rouses new hopes in the Jesuits;
and they long to go thither with the torch of the
gospel.

Lalemant now gives some account of the Hurons
who still remain dispersed, however, in all direc
tions, as we have already learned from the current
record of the Relations. Even the few who remain
at Quebec have recently met a crushing blow, losing
the flower of their young men at the hands of the

18 PREFACE TO VOL. XLV

Iroquois. This occurred at the defense of the Long
Sault, one of the most famous and romantic episodes
in the early history of Canada. In the spring of
1660, Montreal is menaced by a large force of
Iroquois; and seventeen young Frenchmen, headed
by Dollard, resolve to go forth against them, ready
to sacrifice themselves to save the country. Forty
Huron warriors come to Montreal at the same time,
who, with six Algonkins, join the band of French
men. They advance toward the enemy, whom they
encounter at the Long Sault. Finding there a slight
fortification, erected the year before by some Algon
kins, the French and their allies withstand the
assaults of 700 Iroquois. Finally, after most of
their allies have deserted them, and the Iroquois, in
overwhelming numbers, have not only gained access
to the fort, but slain most of its brave defenders, the
few survivors, five Frenchmen and four Hurons, are
captured by the enemy, and carried away to be tor
tured to death. This heroic deed diverts the Iroquois
from their intended attack, and saves Montreal from
destruction.

R. G. T.

MADISON, Wis., April, 1899.

XCIX CI
MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 16^9-60

XCIX. Lettre de M. Francois de Laval-Montmorency,
Evque de Petree, Vicaire Apostolique au Ca
nada, au T. R. P. Goswin Nickel, General de la
Compagnie de Jesus, a Rome ; Quebec, aout,
1659

C. Lettres envoiees de la Novvelle France . . . .

Par le R. P. Hier. Lallemant; Kebec, Septembre

12, Octobre 10 et 16, 1659
CI. Journal des PP. Jesuites, e"s annees 1659 et 1660

SOURCES : Doc. XCIX. is from Carayon s Premiere Mis
sion, pp. 257-259. In republishing Doc. C., we follow a
copy of the original Cramoisy, in Lenox Library. Doc. CI.
we obtain from the original MS. in the library of Laval
University, Quebec.

20 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

[257] Lettre de Monseigneur Francois de Laval-

Montmorency, Eveque de Petree, Vicaire

Apostolique au Canada, au T. R. P.

Goswin Nickel, General de la

Compagnie de Jesus, a Rome.

QUEBEC, aout 1659.

MON REVEREND PERE,
Dieu seul qui sonde les coeurs et les reins,
et qui penetre jusqu au fond de mon ame,
sait combien j ai d obligation a votre Compagnie,
qui m a re"chauff dans son sein lorsque j e"tais enfant,
qui m a nourri de sa doctrine salutaire dans ma
jeunesse, et qui depuis lors n a cesse" de m encourager
et de me fortifier. Aussi je conjure Votre Paternite*
de ne point voir, dans cette expression de mes senti
ments de reconnaissance, le simple desir de remplir
un devoir de convenance; c est du fond de mon cceur
que je vous parle. Je sens qu il m est impossible
de rendre de dignes actions de graces a des hommes
qui m ont appris a aimer Dieu et ont et6 [258] mes
guides dans la voie du salut et des vertus chretiennes.
Si tant de bienfaits re9us dans le passe m ont atta
che" h votre Compagnie, de nouveaux liens viennent
encore resserrer ces relations affectueuses. II m est
donne", en effet, mon Reverend Pere, de partager les
travaux de vos enfants dans cette mission du Canada,
dans cette vigne du Seigneur qu ils ont arrose"e de
leurs sueurs et meme de leur sang. Quelle joie pour

1659-60] LA VAL TO THE GENERAL 21

[257] Letter from Monseigneur Francois de Laval-
Montmorency, Bishop of Petraea, Vicar Apos
tolic in Canada, to the Very Reverend
Father Goswin Nickel, General of
the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

QUEBEC, August, 1659.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
God alone, who searcheth the hearts and
the reins, and who penetrates to the very
depths of my soul, knows how indebted I am to your
Society, which warmed me in its bosom when I was
a child; which nourished me with its salutary
doctrine in my youth; and which, since then, has not
ceased to encourage and strengthen me. Therefore
I beg Your Paternity not to see, in this expression of
my grateful feelings the mere desire of performing
a conventional duty. I speak to you from the bot
tom of my heart. I feel that it is impossible suitably
to express my thanks to men who have taught me to
love God, and who have been [258] my guides in the
path of salvation and of the Christian virtues.

If so many benefits received in the past have
attached me to your Society, fresh bonds now render
those affectionate relations still more binding. In
fact, my Reverend Father, I am granted the grace of
sharing the labors of your children in that mission
of Canada, in that vineyard of the Lord which they
have watered with their sweat, and even with their

22 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

mon coeur de pouvoir esperer une meme mort, une
meme couronne! Le Seigneur sans doute ne 1 ac-
cordera pas ames m6rites; mais j ose 1 attendre de
sa misericorde. Quoi qu il en soit, mon sort est
bienheureux, et le partage que m a fait le Seigneur
est bien digne d envie. Quoi de plus beau que de
se deVouer, de se d6penser tout entier pour le salut
des ames? C est la grace que je demande, que
j espere, que j aime.

J ai vu ici et j ai admire* les travaux de vos Peres;
ils ont re"ussi non-seulement aupres des neophytes
qu ils ont tires de la barbaric et amenes & la connais-
sance du seul vrai Dieu, mais encore aupres des
fran9ais auxquels par leurs exemples et la saintete
de leur vie, ils ont inspire" de tels sentiments de
piete", que je ne crains pas d affirmer en toute v6rit6
que vos Peres sont ici la bonne odeur de Je"sus-Christ,
partout ou ils travaillent. Ce n est pas pour [259]
vous seul que je leur rends ce temoignage, mes
paroles pourraient paraitre suspectes de quelque flat-
terie; j ai e"crit dans les memes termes au souverain
Pontife, au Roi tres-chr6tien et a la Reine sa mere,
aux Illustrissimes Seigneurs de la Congregation de
la Propagande, et a un grand nombre d autres
personnes. Ce n est pas que tout le monde m ait
approuve" e"galement; vous avez ici des envieux ou
des ennemis qui s indignent centre vous et contre
moi; mais ce sont de mauvais juges qui se re"jouis-
sent du mal et n aiment point les triomphes de la
ve"rite. Daigne Votre Paternite" nous continuer son
affection; du reste, en nous 1 accordant, elle n aimera
rien en moi qui ne soit a la Compagnie. Car, je le
sens, il n est rien en moi que je ne lui doive, rien

1659-60] LA VAL TO THE GENERAL 23

blood. What joy for my heart if I could hope for a
like death, a like crown ! The Lord no doubt will not
grant it to my merits, but I venture to hope it from
his mercy. In any case, my fate is a happy one;
and the lot assigned to me by the Lord is well worthy
of envy. What can be more glorious than to devote
oneself and to consume oneself entirely for the salva
tion of souls? Such is the grace that I ask, that I
hope for, and that I love.

I have seen and admired here the labors of your
Fathers ; they have been successful, not only with
the neophytes whom they have drawn from the
depths of barbarism, and have brought to the knowl
edge of the only true God, but also with the French
in whom, by their examples and the holiness of their
lives, they have inspired such sentiments of piety
that I have no hesitation in asserting, in all truthful
ness, that your Fathers are here the good odor of
Jesus Christ wherever they work. It is not to [259]
you alone that I bear this testimony; my words
might appear to savor somewhat of flattery. I have
written in the same terms to the Sovereign Pontiff;
to the most Christian King, and to the Queen his
mother; to the most Illustrious Lords of the Con
gregation of the Propaganda ; and to a great many
other persons. Not that every one approves me
equally, you have here envious or hostile persons,
who are indignant against both you and me; but
they are malicious judges, who rejoice at evil and
love not the triumphs of truth. May your Paternity
deign to continue your affection for us ; moreover, by
granting it to us, you will love nothing in me that
does not belong to the Society. For, I feel it, there
is nothing in me that I do not owe to it ; nothing

24 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 45-

que je ne lui consacre. Je veux etre a vous autant
que je suis a moi-meme; je veux etre tout a Je"sus-
Christ dans les entrailles duquel j embrasse Votre
Paternite", et je la prie de m aimer toujours, comme
elle le fait, d un amour sincere. Que cet amour soit
6ternel !

Je suis de Votre Paternite
Le tres-humble et ob6issant serviteur,
-f FRANgois DE LAVAL, eveque de Petr6e,

Vicaire apostolique.
Quebec, aout 1659, Nouvelle-France.

1659- <;OJ LA VAL TO THE GENERAL 2 5

that I do not consecrate to it. I wish to belong
to you as much as I belong to myself; I wis h to
belong entirely to Jesus Christ, in whose mercy I
embrace Your Paternity; and I beg you to love me
always, as you do, with a sincere love. May that
love be eternal.

I remain Your Paternity s
Very humble and very obedient servant
FRANCOIS DE LAVAL, bishop of Petraea ,

Vicar apostolic.
Quebec, August, 1659, New France.

LETTRES

ENVOI FES

DE LA

NOVVELLE FRANCE

Au R. P. IACQV ES R EN A.V LT
Pfouineial de la Compagnie de
IESVS en la Prouincede la France,

, HIER. LALLEMANT

Super i cur Jes Mtfiions de ladi
en ce nouueau

A PARIS,

ez S E BAST JEN CRAMOISY,

Imprimcur ordinaire duRoy,
M. DC.

LETTERS

SENT
FROM

NEW FRANCE

To Rev. Father J A c QJJ E s RENAULT,
Provincial of the Society of JESUS
in the Province of France,

By Rev. Father HIEROSME LALLEMANT

Superior of the Missions of the same

Society in this new World.

PARIS,

SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY,
Printer in ordinary to the King.

M. DC. LX.

By Royal License.

30 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

[3] PREMIERE LETTRE.

DE L ARRIUEE DE MONSEIGNEUR L EUESQUE DE PE-

TREE EN CANADA.

MON R. PERE,
Les deux vaiileaux venus cette anne"e de
France, ont chang6 la face de nos coeurs, &
de tout le pai s. Us ont fait naiftre la ioie par tout,
1 vn par les heureufes nouuelles de la paix entre les
deux Couronnes, 1 autre par la venue de Monfeigneur
rilluftriffime et Reuerendiffime Euefque de Petree.
Noftre ioie feroit entiere, fi les Iroquois ne la trou-
bloient point, par la guerre [4] qu ils ont renouuel!6e
apres vne fufpenlion d armes de fort peu de temps,
pendant laquelle on a fait I imponTble pour gagner
le coeur de ces Barbares. Nos Peres ont fait trois
voiages "k Onnontagu pour ce fuiet: ils en ont fait
quatre a Agni6 : ils ont parcouru toutes leurs bour-
gades, leurs portans par tout des paroles de paix & de
falut, tachans de leur ouurir les i eux, par les lumieres
de la Foy, qu ils ont publie"e dans tout leur pai s.

D vn autre cofte", pour ne point aigrir ces efprits
auffi fuperbes que mutins, non feulement on s eft
content^ d vne legere fatisfadtion pour les meurtres
qu ils ont fait & Montreal; mais encore on leur a
relafch6 ceux de leurs gens, qu on tenoit en prifon,
les vns apres les autres, pour traifner toufiours, &
[5] pour differer le malheur dont nous fortunes mena-
cez: Et apres diuerfes ambaffades faites de part &

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 31

[3] FIRST LETTER.

OF THE ARRIVAL OF MONSEIGNEUR THE BISHOP OF

PETR^EA IN CANADA.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
The two vessels that have arrived this year
from France have changed the aspect of our
hearts and of all the country. They have every
where aroused joy, one, through the happy news
of the peace between the two Crowns, and the other,
through the coming of Monseigneur the Most Illus
trious and Right Reverend Bishop of Petrasa. Our
joy would be complete if the Iroquois were not troub
ling it with war, [4] which they have renewed after
a very brief suspension of hostilities. During that
time, we have done the impossible, in order to win
the hearts of these Barbarians. Our Fathers have
made three journeys to Onnontague" for this purpose,
and four to Agnie; they have scoured all their
villages, everywhere conveying to them words of
peace and of salvation, and trying to open their eyes
by the light of the Faith, which they have published
in all their country.

On the other hand, in order not to irritate these
minds, as haughty as rebellious, not only have we
contented ourselves with a slight satisfaction for the
murders which they have committed at Montreal, but
we have also released to them those of their people
whom we kept in prison, one after the other, so as
constantly to procrastinate, and [5] postpone the

32

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

d autre, dans lefquelles ils nous ont toufiours entre-
tenus de mille promeffes de paix, attec des fermens
auffi folemnellement iurez, qu on le pouuoit efperer
d vne nation barbare; ils ont enfin repris les armes,
auec plus de cruaute" qu auparavant: Ils ont decharg6
leur premiere fureur fur les Trois Riuieres, ou ils
ont pris huit Frangois, aufquels ils ont defia fait
reffentir les effets de leur barbaric ; car ils leur ont
fait tomber les ongles par le feu, ils leur ont coupe"
les doigts & les mains, les preparans par ce commen
cement, qui ne paffe chez eux que pour des petits
ieux, au feu, & aux flammes, aufquels ils les defti-
nent, en recompenfe du bon traitement [6] fait a
leurs gens, que nous auons toufiours careffez dans
nos prifons, & que nous auons enfin elargis, fans leur
avoir fait tort d vn feul cheueu de la tefte.

Nous auons appris ces circonftances par vn Huron
Chreftien fugitif, qui s eftant trouue dans vn party
qui venoit icy en guerre, les rencontra dans les Ifles
de Richelieu, conduits par les Agnieronnons qui les
auoient pris aux Trois Riuieres. le fus, difoit-il,
touche de companion, voiant le malheureux eftat de
ces pauures prifonniers, & en mefme temps ie fus
rauy de leurs deuotions parmy leurs fouffrances. Le
foir ie les entendois chanter les Litanies de la Vierge,
& le matin le Veni Creator, auec les autres prieres :
Ie leur voiois letter au ciel leurs mains trongonnees
[7] & toutes degouttantes de fang. Spectacle qui a
fait fi grande impreffion fur 1 efprit de ce bon homme,
qu il a pris en fuite la derniere refolution de quitter
les Iroquois, & de fe ietter entre nos mains, pour y
conferuer la Foy, & pour nous decouurir vne partie
des deffeins de 1 ennemy.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 33

misfortune with which we are threatened. After
various embassies on both sides, in which they
have always beguiled us with a thousand promises
of peace, and with oaths as solemn as can be expected
from a barbarous nation, they have finally taken
up arms again with more cruelty than before. They
have wreaked their first fury upon Three Rivers,
where they have taken eight Frenchmen. They
have already caused them to feel the effects of their
barbarism; for they have burned away their nails,
and have cut off their fingers and hands. This begin
ning, considered by them merely as child s play, is
a preparation for the fire and flames to which they
destine them, in recompense for the kind treatment
[6] shown to their people, whom we have ever treated
well in our prisons, and whom we have at last set
free without having injured a single hair of their
heads.

We have learned these particulars from a fugitive
Christian Huron. Having chanced to be one of a
party who were coming here to war, he met the cap
tive Frenchmen in the Islands of Richelieu, led by
the Agnieronnons who had taken them at Three
Rivers. " I was touched with compassion," he said,
" on seeing the unhappy condition of those poor
prisoners; and, at the same time, I was delighted
with their devotion amid their sufferings. At even
ing I heard them sing the Litany of the Virgin, and
in the morning the Veni Creator, with the other
prayers. I saw them lift to heaven their mutilated
hands, [7] all dripping with blood." The sight
made so great an impression on this good man s
mind, that he then took the final resolve to leave the
Iroquois and cast himself into our hands, in order

34

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Voi 45

Les Onnontagueronnons n ont pas efte plus recon-
noiffans que les Agnieronnons ; car aiant pris auffi
aux Trois Riuieres trois de nos Franois, & deux
s eftant heureufement <chappez de leurs mains, le
troifieme a efte affez cruellement brule des fon arri-
uee au bourg d Onnontague, ou peu auparauant nos
Peres auoient exerce des charitez imaginables enuers
leurs malades, & fouffert toutes fortes de trauaux,
pour les inftruire, & pour [8] leur ouurir le chemin du
Ciel . Depuis peu les Iroquois ont pris encore vn autre
Fran9ois proche de Kebec, apres 1 auoir bleffe d vn
coup de fufil: Et nous apprenons qu ils fe preparent
a innonder fur nous auec vne armee, au plus tard le
Printemps prochain, pour enleuer quelqu vne de nos
Bourgades, & mettre la defolation dans tout le pais.

Mais quoy que toutes ces chofes ne nous prefagent
rien que de funefte, nous ne pouuons pas douter que
Dieu n ait de hauts deffeins fur ces terres, pour en
tirer de la gloire, puifqu il a releue" nos efperances
par le don qu il nous a fait d vn Prelat, apr<s lequel
cette Eglife naiffante foupiroit depuis vn fi long-
temps; c eft de Monfeigneur 1 Euefque de Petr6e,
qui arriua icy [9] heureufement le 16. iour de luin
1659. & fut receu avec les ceremonies ordinaires,
comme vn Ange confolateur enuoye du Ciel, &
comme vn bon Pafleur, qui vient ramaffer le refte
du Sang de lESVS-CHRiST, avec vn genereux deffein
de n e"pargner pas le Hen, et de tenter toutes les voies
poffibles pour la conuerfion des pauures Sauvages,
pour lefquels il a des tendreffes dignes d vn coeur
qui les vient chercher de fi loin.

Dieu luy a bien-toft fait naiftre les occafions de
leur faire parroitre fon amour : car le propre iour de

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 35

thus to preserve his Faith, and to reveal to us a part
of the enemy s designs.

The Onnontagueronnons have not been more
grateful than the Agnieronnons ; for they likewise
took at Three Rivers three of our French, two of
whom happily escaped from their hands. The third,
however, was cruelly burned at his arrival in the
village of Onnontague where, shortly before, our
Fathers had practiced inconceivable charities toward
their sick people, and suffered all sorts of labors in
order to instruct them and [8] open to them the way
to Heaven. Recently, the Iroquois have taken still
another Frenchman near Kebec, after wounding him
with a gunshot ; and we learn that they are prepar
ing to burst upon us with an army, next Spring,
at the latest, in order to sweep away some Village
of ours, and spread desolation throughout the country.

However, although all these things augur nothing
but disaster for us, we cannot doubt that God has
high purposes with respect to these lands, in order to
derive glory from them. For he has revived our
hopes by the gift which he has made us of a Prelate
for whom this incipient Church had been sighing so
long, that is, Monseigneur the Bishop of Petrsea,
who happily arrived here [9] on the i6th day of June,
I659. 1 He was received with the usual ceremonies,
as an Angel of consolation sent from Heaven ; and
as a good Shepherd coming to gather up the remnant
of the Blood of JESUS CHRIST, with a generous
purpose not to spare his own, and to try all possible
ways for the conversion of the poor Savages. He,
indeed, loves them with an affection worthy of a
heart coming to seek them from so far away.

God soon contrived opportunities for him to show

36 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

fon arriue e, un enfant Huron eftant venu an monde,
il cut la bonte de le tenir fur les fonds de Baptefme,
Et en mefme temps vn ieune homme auffi Huron,
malade a I extremite , deuant re9euoir [10] les der-
niers Sacremens, il voulut s y trouuer, & luy confa-
crer fes premiers foins, & fes premiers trauaux,
donnantvn bel exemple anos Sauuages, qui levirent
auec admiration profterne contre terre, proche d vne
pauure carcaffe qui fentait defia la pourriture, & a
qui il difpofoit de fes propres mains les endroits
pour les ondtions facre es. Ce fut dans ce mefme
fentiment d affedtion, que peu apres fon de"barque-
ment, en donnant publiquement la Confirmation aux
Frangois dans la Paroiffe, il voulut commencer toutes
les ceremonies par quelques Sauuages; ce qu il fit
auec une grande ioie, voiant a fes pieds, & impofant
les mains a des peuples, qui iamais depuis la naif-
fance de 1 Eglife n auoient receu ce Sacrement. Mais
fa ioie fut bien [n] plus grande, lorfqu en fuite il
confirma toute 1 elite de nos deux Eglifes Algonkine
& Huronne. Nous en auions difpofe vne cinquan-
taine d vne nation, & autant de 1 autre, par des
confeffions generales. L idee qu auoient ces pauures
gens tant de ce Sacrement, que de cel[u]y de qui ils
le deuoient receuoir, leur fit faire des efforts extra-
ordinaires de deuotion 1 efpace de huit iours pour s y
preparer. Pendant la ceremonie, qui fe fit dans
1 Eglife neuue des Meres Hofpitalieres, on loiia Dieu
en quatre langues. Les Hurons & les Algonkins
chantoient a leur tour des Cantiques fpirituels, qui
tirerent des larmes des i eux de quelques-vns des
amftans. Monfeigneur TEuefque reueftu pontificale-
ment, paroiffoit a ces Canadois qui n auoient iamais

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 37

them his love. On the very day of his arrival, a
Huron child having come into the world, he had the
kindness to hold it over the Baptismal font; and at
the same time, a young man, also a Huron, being
sick to extremity and needing to receive [10] the last
Sacraments, he desired to be present, to devote to
him his first cares and his first labors. Thus he gave
a noble example to our Savages, who with admira
tion saw him prostrated upon the earth before a poor
carcass, which already smelled of corruption, and
which he prepared with his own hands for the holy
unctions. In this same spirit of affection, shortly
after his landing, while publicly giving Confirmation
to the French in the Parish church, he wished to
begin the whole ceremony with some Savages; and
he did this with great joy, seeing at his feet and
laying his hands upon peoples who had never, from
the birth of the Church, received this Sacrament. But
his joy was much [i i] greater, when he subsequently
confirmed all the elect of our two Churches, Algon-
kin and Huron. We had prepared by a general
confession about fifty of each nation. The idea which
these poor people had not only of the Sacrament, but
also of him from whom they were to receive it, caused
them to make extraordinary efforts of devotion for a
period of eight days, in order to prepare for it.
During the ceremony, which took place in the new
Church of the Hospital Mothers, we praised God in
four languages. The Hurons and the Algonkins
took turns in singing spiritual Hymns, which drew
tears from the eyes of some of those present. Mon-
seigneur the Bishop, in pontifical vestments, appeared
to these Canadians, who had never [12] seen any
thing of the kind, like an Angel of Paradise, and so

38 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

[12] rien veu de femblable comme vn Ange de
Paradis, & auec tant de maieste", que nos Sauuages
ne pouuoient d6tacher leurs i eux de fa perfonne.

Ce fut pour lors qu il confera auffi le Baptefme
auec toutes les folemnitez de 1 Eglife, a vn Huron
age de 50. ans, qui ne fe comprenoit pas de ioie, &
qui picquoit d vne fainte enuie fes compatriotes, qui
euffent volontiers fouhaite d eftre en fa place, pour
participer a vn femblable bonheur. Ce pauure
homme s eftoit chappe des mains des Iroquois par
vne bien-aimable prouidence, pour tomber en celles
de ce grand Prelat, dont 1 attouchement fit couler
vne vertu fecrete fur ce bon neophyte ; car en luy
verfant fur le corps les eaux faeries, il luy toucha
tellement [13] le cceur, qu il n eftplus reconnoiflable
depuis ce temps-la: il s eft comme depoiiille tous
d vn coup des mauuaifes maximes, & des mechantes
habitudes qu il auoit contradtees par la frequentation
des Iroquois. Monfeigneur 1 Euesque accompagna
ces ceremonies d vn fermon fait a la port6e de ces
pauures gens, pour les animer a refifter courageufe-
ment aux tentations, & a fupporter auec patience
toutes les miferes de cette vie dans la veiie & fur
1 efperance d vne vie eternellement bien-heureuf e :
apr6s quoy eftans tous introduits dans la grande falle
del Hofpital, ou les Religieuf es auoient prepare^ deux
longues tables bien couuertes, ils y furent bien feruis
par les mains de ce mefme Prelat, pour donner
aux Sauuages cette exemple d humilite [14] et de
Charit^ Chreftiennes: comme Monfieur le Vicomte
d Argenjon noftre Gouuerneur le fait affez fouvent,
feruant aux malades de ce mefme Hofpital ; fpedtacle
bien agreable aux Anges tutelaires de ce pai s.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 39

majestic that our Savages could not turn away their
eyes from his person.

At that time, he also conferred Baptism with all
the solemnities of the Church upon a Huron 50 years
old, who could not contain himself for joy, and who
piqued with a holy envy his fellow-countrymen, who
would gladly have desired to be in his place in order
to share a like blessing. This poor man had escaped
from the hands of the Iroquois by a gracious provi
dence, to fall into those of this great Prelate, whose
touch caused a secret virtue to flow upon this good
neophyte. For, in pouring upon his body the sacred
waters, he so touched this man s [13] heart that he
is no longer recognizable since that time; he has,
as it were, stripped himself all at once of the evil
maxims and the wicked habits that he had contracted
in associating with the Iroquois. Monseigneur the
Bishop accompanied these ceremonies by a sermon,
brought within the range of these poor people,
intended to animate them to resist courageously the
temptations and endure with patience all the mise
ries of this life, while expecting and hoping for a
life eternally blessed. Then they were all admitted
to the great hall of the Hospital, where the Nuns
had prepared two long tables, well spread. They
were well served there by the hands of this same
Prelate, in order to give the Savages this example
of Christian humility [14] and Charity. Monsieur
the Vicomte d Argen^on, our Governor, does the
same quite often, by attending to the sick of this
same Hospital, a sight that is surely pleasing to
the guardian Angels of this country.

But as it is the Custom among these nations to
acknowledge the rank of recently-arrived strangers

40 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Mais comme c eft la Couitume parmy ces nations,
de reconnoiftre la qualite des etrangers venus de
nouueau, par la magnificence des feftins qu on fait a
leur occafion ; nos Satmages ne fe feroient pas forme*
vne idee digne de Monfeigneur 1 Euefque, s il ne fe
fuft accommode a leur facon de faire, et s il ne les
euft regalez par vn feftin folemnel, lequel les aiant
mis en bonne humeur, ils luy firent leurs harangues
entre-melees de leurs chanfons ordinaires. Ils le
complimentoient chacun en leur langue, [15] auec
vne eloquence autant aimable que naturelle. Le
premier qui harangua, fut vn des plus anciens
Hurons, qui s e"tendit bien amplement furies loiianges
de la Foy, laquelle fait paffer les mers aux plus
grands hommes du monde, & leur fait encourir mille
dangers, & effuier mille fatigues, pour venir chercher
des miferables. Nous ne fommes plus rien, dit-il, 6
Hariouaouagui : c eft le nom qu ils donnent a Mon
feigneur, & qui fignifie en leur langue, 1 homme du
grand affaire. Nous ne fommes plus que le debris
d vne nation floriiTante, qui eftoit autrefois la terreur
des Iroquois, & qui poff edoit toute forte de richelTes :
ce que tu vois n eft que la carcaffe d vn grand peuple,
dont 1 Iroquois a ronge toute la chair, & qui s efforce
d en [16] fucer iufques a la moiielle. Quels attraits
peux-tu trouuer dans nos miferes? Comment te
laiffes-tu charmer par ce refte de charogne viuante,
pour venir de fi loin prendre part a vn fi pitoiable eftat
auquel tu nous vois? II faut bien que la Foy, qui
opere ces merueilles, foit telle qu on nous 1 a publide,
il y a plus de trente ans. Ta prefence feule, quand tu
ne dirois mot, nous parle affez haut pour elle, & pour
nous confirmer dans les f entimens que nous en auons.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 41

by the magnificence of the feasts which one makes in
their behalf our Savages would not have conceived
a worthy idea of Monseigneur the Bishop if he had
not adapted himself to their way of doing, and had
not regaled them with a solemn feast. It put them,
indeed, in good humor, and they made their
harangues to him, interspersed with their usual songs.
They complimented him, each in his own language,
[15] with an eloquence as gracious as natural. The
first who harangued was one of the oldest Hurons. He
expatiated quite amply upon the praises of the Faith,
which causes the greatest men in the world to cross the
seas, and makes them incur a thousand dangers and
experience a thousand fatigues, in order to come and
seek wretches. " We are now nothing," he said, " O
Hariouaouagui," this is the name which they give
Monseigneur, and which signifies in their language
the man of the great work, we are now nothing
but the fragments of a once flourishing nation, which
was formerly the terror of the Iroquois, and which
possessed every kind of riches. What thou seest is
only the skeleton of a great people, from which the
Iroquois has gnawed off all the flesh, and which he is
striving to [16] suck out to the very marrow. What
attractions canst thou find in our miseries? How
canst thou be charmed by this remnant of living car
rion, to come from so far and join us in the so pitiful
condition in which thou seest us? It must needs be
that the Faith, which works these marvels, is such as
they have announced to us for more than thirty years.
Thy presence alone, although thou shouldst say not
a word to us, speaks to us quite audibly in its behalf,
and confirms us in the opinion that we hold of it.
" But, if thou wilt have a Christian people, the

42 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

Mais fi tu veux auoir vn peuple Chreftien, il faut
detruire 1 infidele: & fgache que fi tu peux obtenir de
la France main-forte pour humilier 1 Iroquois, qui
vient a nous la gueule beante pour engloutir le refte
de ton peuple comme dans vn profond abifme : f cache,
[17] dis-ie, que par la perte de deux ou trois bour-
gades de ces ennemis, tu te fais vn grand chemin &
des terres immenfes, & a des nations nombreufes,
qui te tendent les bras, & qui ne foupirent qu apres
les lumieres de la Foy. Courage done, 6 Rariona-
ouagni [sc. Hariouaouagui], fais viure tes pauures
enfans, qui font aux abois. De noftre vie depend
celle d vne infinite de peuples: mais notre vie depend
de la mort des Iroquois.

Ce difcours dit auec chaleur, eftoit d autant plus
touchant, qu il reprefentoit nai uement les derniers
foupirs d vne nation mourante. La harangue que
fit enfuite vn Capitaine Algonkin, ne fut pas moins
pathetique.

le m en fouviens, dit-il en comptant par fes
doights, il y a vingt-trois ans que le Pere le leune
en [18] nous iettant les premieres femences de la
Foy, nous affeura que nous verrions un iour un grand
Homme, qui deuoit auoir toufiours les i eux ouuerts
(c eft ainfi qu il nous le nommoit) & dont les mains
feroient fi puiilantes, que du feul attouchement elles
infpireroient vne force indomptable a nos cceurs,
centre les efforts de tous les Demons. le ne fay s il
y comprenoit les Iroquois: fi cela eft, c eft a prefent
que la Foy va triompher par tout : elle ne trouuera
plus d obftacle, qui I empefche de percer le plus
profond de nos forefts, & d aller chercher a trois &
quatre cens lieues d [i]cy les nations qui nous font

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 43

infidel must be destroyed; and know that, if thou
canst obtain from France armed forces to humble
the Iroquois, who comes to us with yawning jaws
to swallow up the remnant of thy people, as in a
deep chasm, know, [17] I say, that by the destruc
tion of two or three of these enemies villages thou
wilt make for thyself a great highway to vast lands
and to many nations, who extend their arms to thee
and yearn only for the light of the Faith. Courage,
then, O Hariouaouagui ; give life to thy poor chil
dren, who are at bay! On our life depends that of
countless peoples ; but our life depends on the death
of the Iroquois."

This speech, uttered with warmth, was all the more
touching because it artlessly represented the last
sighs of a dying nation. The harangue which an
Algonkin Captain made thereafter was not less
pathetic.

" I remember," he said, counting on his fingers,
" that twenty-three years ago Father le Jeune, while
[18] sowing among us the first seeds of the Faith,
assured us that we would one day see a great Man,
who was to have his eyes ever open (thus he named
him to us), and whose hands would be so powerful
that by their mere touch they would infuse an invin
cible strength into our hearts against the efforts of
all the Demons. I know not whether he included
the Iroquois therein; if that is the case, it is now that
the Faith is about to triumph everywhere. It will
find no more obstacles to hinder it from penetrating
the greatest depths of our forests, and from going to
seek, three and four hundred leagues from here, the
nations who are confederate with us, and to whose
country this common enemy blocks our passage."

44 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

confederees, au pai s defquelles cet ennemy com-
mun nous bouche le paffage. II adiouta tout plein
d autres chofes, qui temoignoient 1 eftime [19] que luy
& tons ceux de ces terres faifoient du grand pouuoir
qu a 1 impreffion des mains: ce qu ils fe font fi bien
perfuadez, que les foldats allant en guerre contre
1 Iroquois, auparauant que de partir vont prendre la
benediction de Monfeigneur 1 Euefque, et la regoiuent
comme vn bon prefage, auec grande confiance d en
eftre puiilamment fortifiez dans la guerre qu ils
entreprennent contre 1 ennemy de la Foy et du pais.
Les Francois ne prennent pas moins de part que
les Sauuages dans ce bonheur public : ils le publient
affez eux-mefmes, fans qu il foit befoin que ie vous
en ecriue ; & ie ne doute point que toutes les lettres
qui feront enuoi6es en France, n en failent 1 eloge.
Ie diray feulement ce mot, que iamais le Canada [20]
ne pourra reconoiftre les immenfes obligations qu il
a a notre incomparable Reine, non feulement de
1 auoir toufiours honore de fon affection, comme fa
Maiefte" 1 a bien fait paroiftre en mille rencontres;
mais fur tout d auoir comble tous fes bien-faits par le
plus precieux de tous ceux qu elle put faire, en luy
procurant vn tel Pafteur. Cette grace, cette faueur
& ce riche prefent a tant d approbation, que tout le
monde, Frangois & Sauages, Ecclefiaftiques & Lai -
ques, ont tout fuiet de s en loiier, & d efperer que Dieu
conferuera vn pai s, qui eft pourueu d vne fi fainte &
fi forte protection. C eft ce que nous nous promet-
tons fur tout, eftant affiftez des prieres des gens de
biens, & des faints Sacrifices de voftre Reuerence,
aufquels [21] ie me recommande de tout mon cceur.

A Kebec ce 12. de Septemb. 1659.

45

1659- 60J THREE LETTERS

He said much more besides, betokening the esteem
[19] which he and all those of these lands entertained
for the great power possessed by the laying-on of
hands. They have so thoroughly persuaded them
selves of it that, before starting for war against the
Iroquois, the soldiers go to obtain Monseigneur the
Bishop s blessing; and they receive it as a good
omen, with great confidence of being powerfully
strengthened by it in the war which they are under
taking against the enemy of the Faith and of the
country.

The French share, no less than the Savages, in
this public good fortune. They themselves publish
it sufficiently, and I need not write you about it ; I
doubt not that all the letters which will be sent to
France will sound the praise thereof. I will say
only this word, that never will Canada [20] be able
to acknowledge the vast obligations which it is under
to our incomparable Queen, not only for having
always honored it with her affection, as her Majesty
has plainly shown on a thousand occasions, but
especially for having crowned all her favors with
the most precious of all those that she could render,
namely, with the favor of procuring for it such a
Pastor. This grace, this favor, and this rich gift
meet with so much approbation that all French
and Savages, Ecclesiastics and Laymen have every
reason to be gratified, and to hope that God will
preserve a country which has so holy and so strong a
protection. This is what we promise ourselves above
all, if assisted by the prayers of worthy people and
by your Reverence s holy Sacrifices, to which [21] I
commend myself with all my heart.

Kebec, this I2tk of September, 1659.

46 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 45

SECONDE LETTRE.

DES EGLISES ALGONKINE & HURONNE.

MON R. PERE,
I ay mande a V. R. la ioie vniuerfelle qu a
reeu ce pai s, par la venue de Monfeigneur
1 Euefque de Petree; mais ie vous auolie que la
guerre des Iroquois nous en de"trempe bien la dou
ceur, & ne nous permet pas de goufter a noflre aife,
le bien que nous poffedons: ce qui nous confole, c eft
que le zele de ce genereux Prelat, n a point de [22]
bornes; il penfe que ce feroit peu, d auoir pafle les
mers, s il ne trauerfoit auffi. nos grandes forefts, par
le moyen des Ouuriers Euangeliques, qu il a deffein
d enuoier iufques aux nations, dont a peine fcauons-
nous les noms, pour y chercher tant de pauures brebis
6garees, & pour les ranger au nombre de fon cher
troupeau; c eft a quoy il fe prepare, nonobftant la
guerre des Iroquois: il pretend bien faire en ce nou-
ueau monde, ce qui fe pratique en Tancien ; ie veux
dire, que comme Ton fait couler a la derobee des
Predicateurs dans les autres Eglifes perfecute"es,
ainfi defire-t-il ietter de nos Peres, parmy les pre
mieres bandes des Sauuages qui viendront icy bas,
pour remonter auec eux en leur pais, afin que malgre
1 Enfer & les Demons, [23] ils conuient ces pauures
peuples d entrer dans le Roiaume de Dieu, & de
prendre part a la Beatitude, a laquelle ils font pre-
deflinez. Ce font des deffeins dignes d vn courage

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 47

SECOND LETTER.

OF THE ALGONKIN AND HURON CHURCHES.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
I sent word to Your Reverence concerning
the universal joy aroused in this country at
the coming of Monseigneur the Bishop of Petraea;
but I confess to you that the war with the Iroquois
much tempers our pleasure therein, and does not
permit us to relish at our ease the good that we
possess. What consoles us is, that the zeal of this
generous Prelate has no [22] bounds. He thinks that
it would be a trifle to have crossed the seas, if he did
not also traverse our great forests by means of the
Gospel Laborers, whom he purposes to send even to
the nations of whom we hardly know the names, in
order to seek there so many poor straying sheep and
rank them in the number of his precious flock. This
is what he is preparing for, notwithstanding the war
with the Iroquois. He intends, indeed, to do in this
new world what is practiced in the old one ; I mean
to say that, as Preachers are secretly slipped into the
other persecuted Churches, so he desires to scatter
some of our Fathers amid the first bands of the
Savages who shall come down here, in order to go
up with them to their country and, in spite of Hell
and the Demons, [23] to invite these poor peoples to
enter into the Kingdom of God, and take part in the
Beatitude to which they are predestined. These are
purposes worthy of a courage full of zeal for the

48 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

plein de zele pour la gloire de Dieu, & apres lefquels
nos Peres foupirent iour & nuit, brulant d vn defir
d eftre de ces heureux expofez, non pas a 1 auanture,
mais & la Prouidence diuine, qui tirera toufiours fa
gloire, ou de leurs trauaux, s ils arriuent jamais a
ces terres de promiffion; ou de leur mort, comme
elle a fait de celle des autres Peres, qui ont efte tuez
par les Iroquois en vne femblable entreprife. En
attendant cet heureux moment, qui ne viendra que
trop tard, felon leurs fouhaits, les vns fe preparent &
cette glorieufe expedition par 1 etude des langues,
fans lefquelles [24] on ne peut rien faire pour le falut
des Sauuages: les autres s occupent k cultiuer les
deux Eglifes Algonkine & Huronne, que la crainte
des ennemis referre aupres de nous, leur donnant
la commodity de s acquitter de tous les deuoirs des
meilleurs Chrefliens.

Ceux qui font obligez de s ecarter dans les terres
pour la chaife, fe fouuiennent bien des inftructions
qu on leur donne icy: ils font fouuent vne Eglife du
coin d vn bois, d ou leurs deuotions penetrent auffi
bien le Ciel, que de ces grands Temples, ou les
prieres fe font avec tant d appareil; s ils pouuoient
mener auec eux, a qui fe reconcilier dans les dan
gers, ils s y tiendroient auec bien plus d affeurance.

C eit ce qui mit bien en peine [25] vne bonne
Chreflienne Algonkine, nommee Cecile Kouekoueate,
laquelle eftant tomb6 malade dans le milieu des bois,
& fe voiant h 1 extremite, fans fe pouuoir confeffer,
creut qu elle y fuppleeroit en quelque fagon, par vn
prefent de Caftor, qu elle legua a 1 Eglife des Trois-
Riuieres, donnant ordre a fes parens d y aller en
diligence apres fa mort, & d y faire fon prefent, au

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 49

glory of God, and our Fathers yearn day and night
to realize them. They burn with desire to be among
those happy ones exposed, not to chance, but to
divine Providence, which will ever derive its glory
either from their labors, if ever they reach those
lands of promise ; or from their deaths, as it has done
from those of the other Fathers who have been killed
by the Iroquois when on such an enterprise. While
awaiting this happy moment, which will come only
too late, according to their desires, some are mak
ing ready for this glorious expedition by the study
of the languages, without which [24] one can do
nothing for the salvation of the Savages; others
occupy themselves in cultivating the two Churches,
the Algonkin and Huron, whom the dread of the
enemies confines near us, and who are thus enabled
to discharge all the duties of the best Christians.

Those who are obliged to withdraw inland for
hunting well remember the instructions which are
given them here. They often make a Church from
a corner in the woods, whence their devotions pene
trate Heaven just as well as from those great Tem
ples where prayers are held with so much pomp. If
they could take with them persons to whom they
could turn for confession in times of danger, they
could be far more securely held in religion.

This is what greatly distressed [25] a good Chris
tian Algonkin woman, named Cecile Kouekoueate.
Falling sick in the midst of the woods, and seeing
herself in extremity without being able to confess,
she believed that she might make up for this in some
fashion with a present of Beaver-skins, which she
bequeathed to the Church of Three Rivers. Accord
ingly, she ordered her kinsmen to go thither in haste

50 LES RELATIONS DES JESU. TES [VOL. 45

lieu de fa Confeffion. Auffi-toit qu elle cut expire,
ils fe haterent de fe rendre aux Trois Riuieres, dans
I appreheniion que leur parente ne fufi en peine en
1 autre monde. Eftant arriuez, ils s addrefferent au
Pere qui a foin des Sauuages, & luy dirent: Robe
Noire, e"coute la voix des morts, & non pas celle des
viuans; ce n eii pas nous qui te parlons, c efl vne
defunte, qui a [26] enferme fa voix dans ce paquet,
auant que de mourir: elle luy a donne charge de te
declarer tous fes pechez, puifqu elle ne 1 a pu faire
de bouche : voftre dcriture vous fait parler aux abfens ;
elle pretend faire par ces Caftors, ce que vous faites
par vos papiers. II y a quinze iours qu elle eft
morte ; c eft Cecile Kouekoueate" : helas, qu elle aura
fouffert fur le chemin de Paradis! Faites done au
pluftoft que fon ame foit bien traitee dans toutes les
cabanes, par ou elle paflera, & qu arriuant au Ciel,
on ne la faile pas attendre a la porte; mais qu on la
rejoiue comme vne perfonne qui a vefcu dans la
Foy, & qui eft morte dans le defir du Paradis. Ces
bonnes gens n eftant pas encore inftruits, ni bapti-
fez, meloient leurs fables auec nos veritez.

[27] Vne autre fois, vn de nos plus confiderables
Algonkins, eftant furpris d vne efpece de paralyse,
auec des conuulllons extraordinaires, & des contor-
fions de nerfs, qui le mettoient hors d efperance de
pouuoir gagner Kebec, d oii il eftoit 61oigne de quinze
a vingt lieiies, d^pefche, dans cette extremite, vn des
fiens, pour nous en porter la nouuelle, & pour nous
folliciter de prier Dieu pour luy. le ne f9ay pas fi
fes prieres ou les noftres, ou bien fi les vnes &
les autres iointes enfemble, luy rendirent la fante;
mais il a depuis affeure 1 , apres auoir receu le S.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 51

after her death, and present her gift there, as a sub
stitute for her Confession. As soon as she expired,
they hastened to Three Rivers, fearing lest their
kinswoman should find herself at a loss in the other
world. Having arrived, they addressed themselves
to the Father who has charge of the Savages, and
said to him: " Black Gown, listen to the voice of
the dead, and not to that of the living. It is not we
who speak to thee; it is a departed woman, who, [26]
before dying, enclosed her voice in this package.
She has charged it to declare to thee all her sins, as
she herself could not do so by word of mouth. Your
handwriting enables you to speak to the absent ; she
intends to do, by means of these Beaver-skins, what
you do by means of your papers. She died a fort
night ago; she is Cecile Kouekoueate. Alas, how
she must have suffered on the way to Paradise ! See
to it, then, as soon as possible, that her soul be well
treated in all the cabins through which it shall pass ;
and that, on arriving at Heaven, she be not kept
waiting at the door, but that she be received like a
person who has lived in the Faith and has died in
the desire for Paradise." These good people, as yet
neither instructed nor baptized, confused their fables
with our truths.

[27] At another time, one of our leading Algonkins
was overtaken by a sort of paralysis accompanied by
extraordinary convulsions and nervous contortions,
which excluded him from the hope of being able to
reach Kebec whence he was fifteen or twenty leagues
distant. In this extremity, he despatched one of his
people to bear the news to us, and entreat us to pray
God for him. I know not whether his own prayers
or ours, or both combined, restored his health ; but

52 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL, 45

Sacrement, qu il fe trouua guery tout d vn coup, &
que fes forces furent fi foudainement r6tablies, qu il
ne peut, qu il ne 1 attribue a vn effet tout miraculeux.
Les derniers Sacremens operent li [28] fouuent en
eux de femblables merueilles, qu vne des chofes
qu ils demandent auec plus diftance \_sc. d inftance],
eft la fainte communion, fur tout quand ils font faifis
de quelque violente maladie; car ils trouuent d ordi
naire la fante" dans ce Pain celefte, qui eft fouuent
pour leur corps & pour leur ame vn vray Pain de vie.

Nous auons perdu deux de nos bonnes Chrefti-
ennes, dit le Pere qui a le foin de 1 Eglife Huronne,
1 vne defquelle, nominee Cecile Garenhatfi, auoit
demeure deux ans chez les Meres Vrfulines, ou elle
auoit pris 1 efprit d vne devotion tres-rare, qu elle a
conf eruee iuf ques a la mort ; chofe affez ordinaire k
celles qui ont le bonheur d eftre eleu6es dans ce
Seminaire de piete. Noftre Cecile done eftant aux
abois, fon Confeffeur luy [29] demanda fi elle n auoit
pas de regret de mourir; helas! mon Pere, luy dit-
elle, i aurois grand tort de craindre la mort, & de ne
la pas defirer, puifqu en me tirant de ce monde, elle
me retirera des occafions d offenfer Dieu. II eft
vray que i efpere bien, que toutes mes confeffions
ont efface mes pechez, mais elles ne m ont pas rendue
impeccable: mais [ma] confolation eft, que ie la feray
apr6s cette miferable vie; & puifque 1 amour n eft
pas affez grand en moy, pour faire ce que la mort y
fera, a la bonne heure, que la mort vienne pour me
deliurer en mefme temps de la feruitude de ce corps,
& de celle du peche.

Le mary de cette bonne femme eftoit pour lors &
la chaffe, bien auant dans les bois, au moment qu elle

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 53

he has since affirmed that, after having received
the Blessed Sacrament, he found himself cured all at
once, and that his strength returned to him so sud
denly that he could but consider it a miracle. The
last Sacraments so [28] often produce similar wonders
in these people, that one of the things which they
request with most urgency is holy communion,
especially when they are seized with some violent
sickness ; for they usually find health in this celestial
Bread, which often proves to them a true Bread of
life for both body and soul.

" We have lost two of our good Christian women,"
says the Father who has charge of the Huron Church.
One of them, named Cecile Garenhatsi, had sojourned
two years with the Ursuline Mothers, where she had
acquired a spirit of very rare devotion, which she
preserved even until death, something quite ordi
nary with those who have the good fortune to be
trained in this Seminary of piety. Our Cecile, then,
being in extremity, her Confessor [29] asked her
whether she felt any regret to die. " Alas! my
Father, she said to him, I would do very wrong to
fear death and not to desire it, since by drawing me
out of this world it will draw me away from occasions
of offending God. It is true, I hope indeed that all
my confessions have wiped out my sins, although
they have not rendered me sinless ; but my consola
tion is that I shall be so after this miserable life.
And, since my love is not great enough to do what
death will do, very well, let death come to deliver
me at the same time from the servitude of this body
and from that of sin."

This good woman s husband was then hunting,
far within the woods, at the moment when she

54 LES RELA TIONS DES js UITES [VOL. 45

expira: elle luy apparut, & [30] luy dit le dernier
Adieu, luy recommandant fur tout, de ne iamais
quitter la priere qu avec la vie. Get homme, a ce
fpedtacle, fe tourna vers fon compagnon de chafle,
luy raconta fa vifion, & la mort de fa femme; &
auffi-toft il fe met en chemin pour retourner a Kebec.
A fon arriue e il apprend que fa femme auoit expire"
iuflement dans les mefmes circonftances du temps,
auquel elle s eftoit fait voir a luy. Le changement
de cet homme, & la ferueur iointe a la conflance qu il
garde depuis cet accident, aux prieres publiques &
particulieres, nous fait croire qu il s eft paff6 en ce
rencontre quelque chofe de bien extraordinaire.

La feconde femme, que la mort nous a enleue"e cet
hyuer, auoit penfe mourir quelques anne"es aupara-
uant [3 1] de la main des Iroquois : ces barbares 1 aiant
rencontre"e, luy arracherent la peau de la tefte, la
laiffant pour morte fur la place ; depuis ce temps-la
elle n a fait que mener vne vie languiffante, mais
touiours fi feruente a la priere, qu elle n a iamais
manque de fe trouuer tous les matins, & tous les
foirs a la Chapelle, nonobftant fa grande foibleffe;
ce qu elle a garde" exadtement, iufqu a ce qu vn iour,
au retour de 1 Eglife ou elle s eftoit tranfportee auec
vne maladie mortelle, elle fut obligee de s aliter, &
peu apre"s elle mourut faintement, fe trouuant au bout
de fa vie auant la fin de fes prieres. La conftance
de cette pauure femme fera un grand reproche a la
delicateffe de ces dames, qui pour de legeres incom-
moditez fe difpenfent aifement de leurs deuotions.
[32] Et la patience d vn ieune Sauuage, condam-
nera ceux, qui s emportent a tant de murmures, & a
tant de plaintes pour vne goutte, pour vn mal de

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 55

expired. She appeared to him and [30] bade him
the last Farewell, recommending him, above all,
never to part with prayer except when parting with
life. At this sight, he turned toward his hunting
companion, told him of his vision and of his wife s
death, and straightway proceeded to return to
Kebec. Upon his arrival, he learned that his wife
had expired in precisely the same circumstances of
time in which she had shown herself to him. The
change in this man, the fervor combined with stead
fastness which he has maintained in public and
private prayers since that misfortune, make us
believe that there occurred on that occasion something
very extraordinary.

The second woman whom death has taken from
us this winter had very nearly met death, some years
before, [31] at the hands of the Iroquois. The bar
barians, encountering her, tore the scalp from her
head, leaving her for dead on the spot. From that
time forth, she led only a languishing life ; but she
was always so fervent in prayer that she never failed
to be present every morning and every evening in the
Chapel, notwithstanding her great weakness. She
observed this practice scrupulously until, one day,
returning from Church, whither she had dragged her
self, although afflicted with a mortal disease, she
was obliged to take to bed, and soon afterward she
devoutly died, finding herself at the end of her life
before coming to the end of her prayers. This poor
woman s constancy will be a great reproach to the
delicacy of those ladies who, for slight inconven
iences, easily forego their devotions. [32] And the
patience of a young Savage will condemn those who
break out into so many murmurs and complaints for

56 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL 45

dents, ou pour quelques autres incommoditez. Get
homme deuenu impotent depuis cinq ans, eftoit
gifant non pas fur la plume ny fur le duuet, mais
fur vne <corce, qui luy feruoit de paillaffe & de
matelas; il fouffroit auec vne patience de lob, dans
toutes les parties de fon corps. Croiriez-vous bien,
que la grace a tellement opere dans ce coeur Sauuage,
que non f eulement on ne 1 a pas entendu fe plaindre ;
mais mefme il a declare", que iamais il ne luy eft
venu en penfee de fouhaiter 1 vfage de fes membres,
puifque fon ame fe trouuoit rriieux du miferable eflat
de fon corps, & que fon [33] falut fe faifoit auec bien
plus d affeurance, difant que c eftoit bien affez qu il
eufl 1 vfage de fes doigts & de fa langue, pour dire
fon Chapelet, qui faifoit vne grande occupation de
fa iournee. Dieu 1 a bien recompenfe" ; car il a
heureufement finy fes iours, & rendu fon ame entre
les bras de Monfeigneur 1 Euefque de Petree. Voila
quelques- vnes des particularitez, que i ay apprifes
fur ces deux Eglifes affligees, qui ne font plus que le
debris de deux Eglifes fouffrantes, et qui feroient la
femenced vn grand peuple Chreftien, fi 1 Iroquois ne
continuoit point de les exterminer. le les recom-
mande, & moy auffi, aux saints Sacrifices de voflre
Reuerence.

A Kebec ce 10. d oflobre 1659.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 57

a trifle, a toothache or some other inconvenience.
This man, for five years a helpless invalid, was lying,
not upon feathers or down, but on a piece of bark
which served him for straw bed and mattress ; with
the patience of Job, he was suffering in every part of
his body. Could you believe indeed that grace so
operated in this Savage heart, that not only was he
not heard to complain, but, as he declared, that it
never even came into his mind to wish for the use
of his limbs? For he considered his soul to be better
off in the wretched condition of his body, and his
[33] salvation far more certain; and he said that it
sufficed him to have the use of his fingers and tongue
to say his Rosary, which constituted his main occu
pation throughout the day. God has well rewarded
him ; for he has happily ended his days, yielding up
his soul in the arms of Monseigneur the Bishop of
Petreea. Such are some of the details that I have
learned about these two afflicted Churches. They
are now nothing but the wreck of two suffering
Churches, and would serve as the seed of a great
Christian people did not the Iroquois continue to
exterminate them. I commend them and myself
also to your Reverence s holy Sacrifices.

Kebec, this iQth of October, 1659.

58 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

[34] TROISIEME LETTRE.

DE LA MISSION DE I/ACADIE.

MON R. PERE,
Voicy vne troifieme Lettre que i ecris a
V. R. pour 1 informer de ce qui s eft paffe
dans la Miffion de 1 Acadie, ou trois de nos Peres tra-
uaillent & la converfion des Sauuages de cette cofte,
& au falut des Fran9ois qui y font habituez.

L Acadie eft cette partie de la Nouuelle France,
qui regarde la mer, & qui s etend depuis la Nouuelle
Angleterre iufqu a Gafpe, ou proprement fe ren
contre 1 entree du grand fleuvede S. Laurens. Cette
etendue de pai s, qui eft bien de [35] trois cens
lieues, porte vn mefme nom, n aiant qu vne mefme
langue.

Les Anglois ont vfurpe toutes les coftes de 1 Orient,
depuis Canceau iufqu & la Nouuelle Angleterre; ils
ont laifTe aux Franjois celles qui tirent au Nort, dont
les noms principaux font Mifcou, Rigiboudtou, & le
Cap Breton. Le diftric de Mifcou eft le plus peuple,
le mieux dif pof 6, & ou il y a plus de Chreftiens : il
comprend les Sauuages de Gafpe", ceux de Mirami-
chy, et ceux de Nepigigouit. Rigiboudtou eft vne
belle riuiere, confiderable pour le commerce qu elle
a auec les Sauuages de la riuiere de S. lean.

Le Cap Breton eft vne des premieres Ifles qu on
rencontre en venant de France ; elle eft affez peuplee
de Sauuages pour fa grandeur. [36] Monfieur Denis

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 59

[34] THIRD LETTER.

OF THE ACADIAN MISSION.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
Here is a third Letter that I write to Your
Reverence, to inform you of what has oc
curred in the Mission of Acadia, where three of our
Fathers are laboring for the conversion of the
Savages on that coast, and for the salvation of the
French who are settled there.

Acadia is that part of New France which borders
the sea, extending from New England to Gaspe",
where the entrance to the great river St. Lawrence
properly begins. All that country, which is fully
[35] three hundred leagues in extent, bears but one
name, having but one language.

The English have usurped all the Eastern coast
from Canceau to New England, and have left to the
French that which extends toward the North; the
principal points of the latter are called Miscou, Rigi-
bouctou, and Cap Breton. The district of Miscou is
the most populous and the best disposed, and
contains most Christians. It comprises the Savages
of Gaspe, of Miramichy, and of Nepigigouit. Rigi-
bouctou is a beautiful river, and important for its
trade with the Savages of the river St. John. 2

Cap Breton is one of the first Islands which one
meets on coming from France. For its size, it is
fairly well peopled with Savages. [36] Monsieur
Denis is in command of the principal settlement

60 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

commande la principale habitation que les Frangois
ont en ces quartiers-la. Voila le pai s, que nos Peres
ont cultiue depuis 1 an 1629. & ou prefentement
trauaillent le Pere Andre Richard, le Pere Martin
Lionne & le Pere lacques Fremin.

Celuy-cy a en pour partage la cofte de Rigiboudtou,
ou il a hyuerne parmy les Sauuages, anec lefqnels
il a fouffert, outre le mal de terre, la famine, caufee
par le defaut des neiges, qui font les richeffes des
Sauuages, puifque les Originaux, les Caribous, & les
autres beftes s y prennent comme au lacet, quand
elles font affez hautes. Mais le Pere ne s eft trouue"
que trop bien pai6 des trauaux, qu il a foufferts dans
ces grandes forefls, par le Baptefme qu il a confere"
a [37] vne petite fille malade a rextremite", qui a
receu la fant6 dans ces eaux falutaires. Ce ne luy
fut pas auffi vne petite confolation, de fe voir preffe"
auec inftance par vn pau[u]re Sauuage, nomm6
Redoumanat, de le baptifer, en fuite d vne grace bien
fenftble qu il auoit obteniie de Dieu depuis peu de
temps. Get homme auoit languy deux ans entiers,
accable" de grandes incommoditez, qui luy caufoient
des douleurs tres-cuifantes par tout le corps, mais
particulierement aux iambes. II s efloit fait fouffler
& ref ouffler par les iongleurs du pai s ; & apr6s avoir
laffe" tous les forciers, & vfe tous leurs medicamens,
ne fachant plus a qui auoir recours, il s adreffa &
Dieu, dont il auoit entendu loiier les bontez & les
puiffances, & luy dit: Toy qui as tout [38] fait, on
dit que tout t obei t; ie le croiray, pourueu que mon
mal, qui n a pas voulu ecouter la voix de nos Demons,
6coute la tienne: s il t obei t, quand tu le chafferas
de mon corps, ie te promets de t obei r moy-mefme,

1659 -60J THREE LETTERS 61

which the French have in those quarters. Such is
the country which our Fathers have cultivated since
the year 1629, and in which Fathers Andre Richard,
Martin Lionne, and Jacques Fremin are at present
laboring.

The last named has had for his portion the coast
of Rigibouctou, where he has wintered among the
Savages. With them he has suffered, besides the
scurvy, famine caused by the deficiency of snows,
which are the Savages riches; for the Moose, Cari
bous, and other animals are caught in them as in a
snare, when they are deep enough. But the Father
has found himself only too well paid for the toils
that he has suffered in those great forests, by the
Baptism which he conferred upon [37] a little girl in
the extremity of sickness, who received health in
those salutary waters. It was also no small consola
tion to him to see himself importuned by a poor
Savage named Redoumanat to baptize him, in con
sequence of a very strongly felt grace that he had
obtained from God shortly before. This man had
languished for two whole years, overwhelmed with
severe illnesses, which caused him very acute pains
throughout his body, but especially in the legs. He
had had himself breathed upon again and again by
the jugglers of the country ; and, after wearying out
all the sorcerers and exhausting all their remedies,
no longer knowing to whom to have recourse, he
addressed himself to God, whose goodness and power
he had heard praised. He said to him: " Thou who
hast [38] made everything, they say that everything
obeys thee. I will believe it, provided that my
trouble, which has not been willing to listen to the
voice of our Demons, will listen to thine. If it obey

62 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

& d aimer la priere. Dieu fe plut a cette forte de
priere, & luy rendit vne parfaite {ante", dont il eft li
reconnoiffant, qu il public par tout cette faueur,
faifant voir par vn grand changement de fa vie, que
fon ame a la meilleure part a ce bien-fait. II s eft
entierement deporte" de 1 iurognerie, qui eft le grand
Demon de ces pauures Sauuages, auffi bien que la
vengeance, qu il a dompte"e par vn adte auffi heroi que
qu il s en trouue parmy les meilleurs Chreftiens.
Car vn iour vne de fes filles, qu il aimoit vniquement,
aiant efte maffacre e [39] deuant fes i eux par vn
infolent, le meurtrier eftant arrefte", tant s en faut
qu il voulut s en venger, qu au contraire il arrefta le
bras de ceux qui 1 alloient maffacrer, difant qu il s en
rapportoit au Maiilre de la vie, puifqu il apprenoit
que c efloit a luy a prendre vengeance des torts qu on
nous faits. Et de vray, la luftice diuine ne manqua
pas de tirer raifon de cet affaffinat, aiant permis que
ce malheureux fufl peu de temps apre"s, affaffine luy-
mefme par vn riual, qui afpiroit au mefme mariage
que luy. Ce bon homme n eft pas 1 vnique, qui a
receu du Ciel des faueurs extraordinaires, mais tous
ne s en font pas montrez fi reconnoiffans.

Vn nomme Capifto, ancien Capitaine du Cap Bre
ton, fort attach6 a fes Superftitions, tomba vn [40]
iour en de tres-violentes conuulfions, pendant lef-
quelles les Sauuages s auiferent de mettre fur luy
des Images, des Chapelets, & des Croix, dont ils font
grande eftime s en feruant centre les infeftations
des Demons. Cet homme, au plus fort de fon mal,
s imagine que quantite" de Diables fe iettent fur luy,
qu ils le traifnent d vn cofte" & d autre, s effo^ans de
1 enleuer. Dans cette angoiffe il fe faifit d vne

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 63

thee when thou shalt drive it from my body, I promise
thee to obey thee myself, and to love the prayer."
God was pleased with this kind of prayer, and restored
him to perfect health, for which he is so grateful that
he everywhere publishes this favor showing by a
great change in his life that his soul has the best
share of this benefit. He has wholly given up drunk
enness, which is the great Demon of these poor
Savages, as well as the spirit of vengeance, which
he has subdued by an act as heroic as can be found
among the best Christians. For one day one of his
daughters, whom he especially loved, was struck
dead [39] by an insolent fellow before his very eyes.
The murderer was arrested, but the father was far
from wishing to revenge himself. On the contrary,
he stopped the arm of those who were about to kill
him, saying that he referred the matter to the Master
of life, since he learned that it belonged only to him
to take vengeance for the wrongs committed against
us. And in truth, the divine Justice did not fail to
exact retribution for this murder; for it permitted
that this same wretch should be soon afterward assas
sinated by a rival, who was aspiring to the same
marriage as he was. This good man is not the only
one who has received extraordinary favors from
Heaven ; but not all have shown themselves so
grateful.

A certain Capisto, former Captain of Cap Breton
and greatly attached to his Superstitions, fell one
[40] day into most violent convulsions, during which
the Savages bethought themselves to apply to his
body some Images, Rosaries, and Crosses ; for they
make great account of these, using them against the
molestations of the Demons. This man, at the

64 LES RELATIONS DES J&S UITES [ VOL. 45

grande Croix plant6e h l entre"e de la riuiere, &
laquelle il s attacha fi fort, qu il fut impoffible aux
Demons de 1 en de"prendre. Cette vifion 1 a louche;
& quoyqu il demeure encore dans rinfidelite", il ne
laiffe pas de prifer la Foy, & de donner efperance,
qu enfin apre"s tant de faueurs que Dieu luy fait,
incite d ailleurs par 1 exemple, & [41] par les inftances
de fon frere, qui fut baptife ce Printemps, il rompra
les liens, qui le tiennent attache" & fon malheur.

Ce frere du Capitaine Capifto, eft vn bon viellard,
fort aime des Franois, aux interefls defquels il eft
fort attache", & aufquels il a rendu de fignalez fervices
en des fafcheux rencontres: il a fait tant d inftances
pour eftre baptife, qu eftant remis d anne"e en anne"e
pour e"prouver fa conftance ; enfin le Pere Richard le
baptifa, auec fa femme & fa foeur, dans de grands
fentimens d eftime, du bonheur apres lequel il auoit
tant foupire. II preffoit que fes enfans euffent part
& la mefme faueur; mais ils furent differez iufqu a
1 Automne, pour tirer de plus grandes marques de
leurs bonnes refolutions.

[42] II y a deux ans que les Sauuages de ces coftes
furent en guerre centre les Efquimaux; c eft vne
nation la plus Orientale, & la plus Septentrionale de
la Nouuelle France par les 52. degrez de latitude, &
les 330. de longitude. C eft merueille comme ces
mariniers Sauuages nauigent fi loin auec de petites
chaloupes, trauerfant de grandes etendiies de mers,
fans bouffole, & fo[u]uent fans la veiie du Soleil, fe
riant de leur conduite & leur imagination. Mais la
merueille eft encore plus grande ,du cofte des Efqui
maux, qui font quelquefois le mefme traiet, non pas
en chaloupes, mais dans de petits canots, qui font

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 65

climax of the attack, imagined that Devils threw
themselves upon him and dragged him from side to
side, striving to carry him away. In this anguish,
he seized hold of a great Cross planted at the entrance
to the river, and clung to it so fast that it was impos
sible for the Demons to separate him from it. The
vision touched him ; and, although he still continues
in infidelity, he nevertheless values the Faith, and
gives hope that finally, after so many favors which
God shows him, incited, withal, by the example
and [41] the urgent requests of his brother who was
baptized this Spring, he will break the bonds which
hold him down to his wretchedness.

This brother of Captain Capisto is a good old man,
much loved by the French, to whose interests he is
greatly devoted and to whom he has rendered notable
services in trying emergencies. He made so many
entreaties to be baptized that, after having been put
off from year to year in order to prove his constancy,
Father Richard at last baptized him, along with his
wife and his sister, in deep feelings of esteem for the
happiness for which he had so much yearned. He
urged that his children might have a share in the
same favor; but they were put off until Autumn,
in order to call forth stronger proofs of their good
resolutions.

[42] Two years ago, the Savages of these coasts
were at war with the Esquimaux. These latter are
a nation dwelling at the extreme Northeastern end
of New France, at about 52 degrees of latitude and
330 of longitude. It is wonderful how these Savage
mariners navigate so far in little shallops, crossing
vast seas without compass, and often without sight
of the Sun, trusting to instinct for their guidance.

66 LES RELATIONS DES fESUJTES [VOL.

furprenans pour leur ftrudture, & pour leur vifteffe:
ils ne font pas fails d ecorce, comme ceux des Algon-
kins, mais de peau de loups marins, dont [43] 1 abon-
dance eft tres-grande chez eux. Ces canots font
couuerts de ces mefmes peaux: ils laiffent au deflus
vne ouuerture, qui donne entree a celuy qui doit
nauiger; lequel eft toufiours feul en cette gondole:
eftant affis et place dans le fond de ce petit batteau
de ctdr, il ramaffe a 1 entour de foy la peau qui le
couure, & la ferre & la lie fi bien, que 1 eau n y peut
entrer: loge dans cette bourfe, il rame de bord &
d autre d vn feul auiron, qui a vne pafle a chaque
bout ; mais il rame fi adroitement, & fait marcher li
legerement fon batteau, qu il paffe les chaloupes qui
voguent a la voile : que fi ce canot vient a tourner,
il n y a rien a craindre ; car comme il eft leger, &
rempli d air enferme" dedans auec la moitie" du corps
du nautonnier, il fe redreff e aife"ment, [44] & rend fon
pilote fain & fauue fur 1 eau, pourueu qu il foit bien
lie" a fon petit nauire. La nature iointe a la neceffite"
a de grandes induftries. Ces bonnes gens fe feruent
encore de peaux de loups marins pour baftir leurs
maifons, & pour fe faire des habits; car ils fe
couurent tous de ces peaux tres-bien paffees, dont ils
fe font des robes faites d vne mefme faon pour les
hommes & pour les femmes. Ils viuent principale-
ment de cariboux, c eft vne efpece de cerfs; de
loutres, de loups marins, et de molues. II y a peu
de caftors, et peu d orignaux chez eux. Pendant
1 Hyuer ils demeurent fous terre, dans de grandes
grottes, o& ils font fi chaudement, que nonobflant la
rigueur du climat ils n ont befoin de feu que pour
la cuifme. Les neiges y font [45] fort hautes, &

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 67

But in this respect the Esquimaux arouse even greater
wonder. They sometimes make the same transit,
not in shallops, but in small canoes, whose structure
and speed are indeed astonishing. They are not
made of bark, like those of the Algonkins, but of
skins of seals, which animals [43] abound in their
country. These canoes are covered over with those
same skins. An opening is left at the top which
gives admittance to the one who is to navigate, who
is always alone in this gondola. Seated and en
sconced in the hold of this little leather boat, he
gathers about him the skin which covers him, and
fastens and binds it so well that the water cannot
enter. Lodged in this pouch, he paddles on each
side alternately with a single paddle, which has
a blade at each end. He does this so skillfully,
however, and causes his boat to move so lightly, that
he outstrips the shallops, which move by sail. More
over, if this canoe happens to capsize, there is
nothing to fear ; for, as it is light and filled with air
enclosed within, along with half the body of the boat
man, it easily rights itself, [44] and restores its pilot
safe and sound above the water, provided he be well
fastened to his little craft. Nature joined to neces
sity furnishes great inventions. These good people
further use sealskins to build their houses, and to
make clothes for themselves; for, after thoroughly
dressing these skins, they wear them as cover
ings for their bodies, making robes from them in the
same fashion for both men and women. They live
chiefly on caribous, which are a kind of deer, on
otters, on seals, and on cod; they have but few
beavers and moose. During the Winter they live
underground, in great caves, where they are so warm

68

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

tellement endurcies par le froid, qu elles portent
comme la glace, fans qu on ait befoin de raquettes
pour marcher deffus. Le fer qu ils trouuent auprs
des e"chaffaux des pefcheurs de molue, leur fert a faire
des fers de fleches, & des coufleaux, & des tranches,
& pour d autres ouurages, qu ils aiuftent bien eux-
mefmes fans forge ny fans marteaux. Us font de
petite taille, de couleur oliuaftre; du refte ils font
affez bien faits, ramaffez, & grandements forts.

Nos Sauuages furent en guerre vers ces peuples,
il y a quelque temps : en aiant furpris & maff acre
quelques-vns, ils donnerent la vie aux autres, les
amenant prifonniers en leur pais, non pour les bruler,
ce n eft pas leur coutume; mais pour les tenir en
feruitude, [46] ou pour leur caffer la tefte a 1 entree
de leurs bourgades, en figne de triomphe. Entre ces
prifonniers vne femme, dont le mary auoit efte tue
dans le combat, trouua f on bonheur dans fa captiuite ;
car aiant efte menee au Cap Breton, elle fut rachetee
des mains des Sauuages, & en fuite elle fut inftruite
& baptif6e, & maintenant elle vit a la Fran?oife, en
bonne Chreftienne. II faut confeffer que les refforts
de la diuine Prouidence font adorables, d aller cher-
cher dans le milieu de cette barbaric vne ame pre-
deftin6e, & de la choifir parmy tant d autres, pour la
mettre dans le chemin du ciel : & ce qui eft encore
bien merveilleux, d auoir tire cette pauure femme
de fon infidelite, pour s en fervir a tirer vn heretique
de fon erreur. Voicy comme la chofe fe paffa.

[47] Noftre Marguerite (c eft le nom qu elle cut au
Baptefme) eftant encore infidelle, fe trouuoit par fois
infefte"e des Demons. Vn iour entre autres, elle
parut comme forcenee, elle couroit par tout auec vne

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 69

that, notwithstanding the severity of the climate,
they have no need of fire, except for cooking. The
snows there are [45] very deep. They are so hard
ened by the cold that they bear one as firmly as ice,
and, to walk over them, one needs no snowshoes.
The iron which they find near the stages of the cod-
fishers serves them to make arrow-heads, knives,
cleavers, and other tools, which they themselves
skillfully devise, without forge or hammers. They
are of small stature, somewhat olive-colored, quite
well-formed, thick-set, and exceedingly strong. 3

Some time ago, our Savages were waging war
against these peoples. Having surprised and mas
sacred some of them, they spared the lives of the
others, whom they took as captives into their own
country, .not to burn them, for that is not their
custom; but to hold them in servitude, [46] or to
cleave their heads upon entering their villages in
token of triumph. One of these captives, a woman
whose husband had been killed in the fight, found
her happiness in her captivity. Having been taken
to Cap Breton, she was ransomed from the hands of
the Savages; she was subsequently instructed and
baptized, and now she lives in the French manner
like a good Christian. It must be acknowledged that
the methods of the divine Providence are adorable,
to seek out in the midst of this barbarism a predes
tined soul, to choose it among so many others, and
put it on the way to heaven, and what is truly very
wonderful to raise this poor woman from her
infidelity in order to employ her to raise a heretic
from his error. It happened in this way.

[47] Our Marguerite (the name that she received
in Baptism), when still an unbeliever, sometimes

70 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

voix horrib[l]e, & auec des geftes Granges & la fagon
des poffedez. Les Francois y accourent, tachant de
la f oulager, mais en vain ; f es tourmens croiflent en
forte, qu elle fe trouua en danger d eflre etouffe e.
Us s auiferent enfin de recourir aux remedes diuins:
ils prient 1 Atimofnier, qui feruoit lors 1 habitation,
de la fecourir. II n eut pas pluftofl iette" de 1 eau
benifte fur elle, qu elle s arrefta tout court, & deuint
auffi paifible, que fi elle fe fufl 6ueillee d vn doux
fommeil ; elle ne fit que leuer les i eux en haut, puis
les tournant vers les affiftans: Helas, dit-elle, [48]
ou fuis-ie? d ou viens-ie? vn phantofme de feu me
pourfuiuoit cruellement ; il eftoit tout pret de me
deuorer, quand a voftre prefence ie ne fay quelle
fraieur 1 a faifi, & 1 a mis en fuite: c eft pour la
f econde fois que ie vous fuis obligee de la vie ; vous
me deliurates dernierement de la rage des Sauuages,
& maintenant vous me fauuez de la furie des Demons.
A cet accident 1 interprete qui eftoit he re tique, faifi
d etonnement, & admirant la force de 1 eau benifte,
renonga &. 1 herefie, & publia par fon abiuration la
merueille, dont il auoit efte" fpedtateur.

Si les Demons feruent a conuertir les Sauuages, &
les Sauuages a reduire les heretiques : que ne deuons-
nous pas efperer du fecours des Anges tutelaires de
ces contre"es [49] notamment depuis que ces efprits
bienheureux y ont amen6 vn Homme Angelique, ie
veux dire Monfeigneur 1 Euefque de Petr6e, qui en
paffant dans les limites de noftre Acadie, du cofte" de
Gafpe, a donne Ie Sacrement de Confirmation a 140.
perfonnes, qui iamais peut-eftre n auroient receu
cette benediction, fi ce braue Prelat ne les fufl venu
chercher en ce bout du monde, qui commence d eflre

1659 -60] THREE LETTERS 71

found herself molested by Demons. Thus, one day,
she appeared as if bewitched ; she ran about every
where, uttering frightful cries and making strange
gestures, like those who are possessed. The French
hastened to her and tried to soothe her, but in vain.
Her torments increased to such a degree that she
found herself in danger of being suffocated. They
finally bethought themselves to have recourse to
divine remedies; they entreated the Chaplain who
then ministered to the settlement to help her. He
had no sooner sprinkled her with holy water than
she suddenly stopped, and became as peaceful as if
she had awaked from a quiet sleep. She merely
lifted her eyes on high, and then, turning them
toward those present, she said: " Alas, [48] where
am I ? Whence do I come ? A fiery phantom was
cruelly pursuing me, and was quite ready to devour
me, when, at your presence, I know not what terror
seized him and put him to flight. For the second
time I owe you my life ; lately, you delivered me
from the rage of the Savages, and now you save me
from the fury of the Demons." The interpreter,
who was a heretic, was seized with astonishment at
this occurrence ; and, admiring the potency of the
holy water, he renounced heresy, and by his abjura
tion published the wonder whereof he had been a
spectator.

If the Demons serve to convert the Savages, and
the Savages to bring back the heretics, what must
we not hope to obtain through the help of the guar
dian Angels of these regions? [49] and especially
since these blessed spirits have brought hither an
Angelic Man, I mean, Monseigneur the Bishop of
Petrsea. While crossing the border of our Acadia,

72 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

inquiete par la terreur des Iroquois, qui ferment la
porte an saint d vne infinite de nations, qni tendent
les bras a 1 Euangile, & qu on ne peut leur porter, fi
ces mutins ne font domptez. le me recommande, &
tons ces peuples, aux saints Sacrifices de V. R. &
aux prieres de tous ceux qui aiment la conuerlion des
pauures Sauuages.

A. Kebec ce 16. d Ott. 1659.

FIN.

1659 -60J THREE LETTERS 73

on the side of Gaspe, he gave the Sacrament of Con
firmation to 140 persons, who perhaps would never
have received that blessing if this worthy Prelate
had not come to seek them at this end of the world.
The country is beginning to be disquieted by the
terror of the Iroquois. They close the door to the
salvation of countless nations, who extend their arms
to the Gospel ; and we cannot carry it to them unless
these rebels are subdued. I commend myself and
all these peoples to Your Reverence s holy Sacrifices,
and to the prayers of all those who love the conver
sion of the poor Savages.

Kebec, this 1 6th of October, 1659.

END.

74- LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vou 45

Extrait du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR grace & Priuilege du Roy il eft permis a
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY Marchand Libraire
lure en I Vniuernte" de Paris, Imprimeur
ordinaire du Roy & de la Reine, Directeur de 1 Im-
primerie Royale du Louure, & ancien Efcheuin de
Paris, d imprimer ou faire imprimer, vendre & debi-
ter un Liure intitule, Lettres enuoydes de la Nouuelle
France au R. P. lacques Renault Prouincial de la Compa-
gnie de I E s V S , en la Prouince de France, &c. & ce pen
dant le temps & efpace de dix ann<es confecutiues,
auec defenfes k tous Libraires, Imprimeurs, & autres,
d imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit Liure, fous pre-
texte de deguifement ou changement, qu ils y pour-
roient faire, aux peines port6es par ledit Priuilege.
Donne a Paris le 26. Decembre 1660. Signe, Par le
Roy en fon Confeil.

MABOVL.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 75

Extract from the Royal License.

BY grace and Privilege of the King, SEBASTIEN
CRAMOISY, Bookseller under Oath in the
University of Paris, Printer in ordinary to the
King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-
house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of Paris,
is permitted to print or cause to be printed, sold, and
retailed a Book entitled : Lettres envoy tes de la Nouvelle
France au R. P. Jacques Renault Provincial de la Compa-
gnie de J E S u S , en la Province de France, etc. And this
during the time and space of ten consecutive years,
prohibiting, under the penalties provided by the said
License, all Booksellers, Printers, and others to print
or cause to be printed the said Book, under pretext
of any disguise or change that they might make
therein. Given at Paris, the 26th of December, 1660.
Signed, By the King in his Council,

MABOUL.

76

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

Permifsion du R. P. Prouincial.

NOUS IACQVES RENAVLT, Prouincial de la
Compagnie de IESVS en la Prouince de
France, auons accorde pour 1 auenir au Sieur
Sebaftien Cramoify, Marchand Libraire, Imprimeur
ordinaire du Roy & de la Reine, Directeur de 1 Im-
primerie Royale du Louure, & ancien Efcheuin de
cette ville de Paris, I impreffion des Relations de la
Nouuelle France. Donne" a Paris, au mois de Decembre
1658. Signe",

IACQVES RENAVLT.

1659-60] THREE LETTERS 77

Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial.

WE, JACQUES RENAULT, Provincial of the
Society of J E s u s in the Province of France,
have granted for the future to Sieur Sebas-
tien Cramoisy, Bookseller, Printer in ordinary to the
King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-
house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of this
city of Paris, the printing of the Relations of New
France. Given at Paris, in the month of December,
1658. Signed,

JACQUES RENAULT.

78

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

chapelle Des vrsul.
Benie.

f.feuille, son peril
sur Leau

P. le moyne.

Journal des Peres Jesuites, es annees
16^9 et 1660.

1659 IANVI.

1LA grande messe fut dite a la paroisse.
Vespres et sermon en nostre chappelle.
6 Fut benitte par le p Supr en grande
solemnite La chappelle des Vrsulines, et le st
Sacrement transporte.

7. Anne bourdon receut 1 habit aux vrsu-
lines.

8. n f feuille tomba 3 fois dans 1 eau, mar-
chant sur les glaces, qui f endirent dessous luy,
vers le cap au diamant et a peine se sauua til

12 Vn sauuage parti des 3 Riuieres arriua
a quebec auec lettres qui disoient que le P le
moyne estoit encor aux 3 Riuieres auec tehari-
hogen

20 arriuerent a quebec 3, francois des 3
Riuieres auec des lettres. II ny auoit rien de
nouueau.

22 Marie boutet receut 1 habit aux Vrsu
lines.

27 retournerent aux 3 Riuieres les 3 fran
cois.

FEB.

14 arriuerent 2 francois des 3 Riui. auec
lettres. point de Nouuelles.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

79

Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the years
16^9 and 1660.

Blessing of The
ursuhne chapel.

Brother feville: his

1659, JANUARY.

1HIGH mass was said in the parish
church, vespers and a sermon in our
chapel.

6. The father Superior most solemnly
blessed The chapel of the Ursulines ; and the
blessed Sacrament was carried thither.

7. Anne bourdon took the veil at the
ursulines .

8. Our brother feville fell 3 times into the

water, while walking on the ice ; it broke P eril on The water.
under him, near cap au diamant, and he had
great difficulty in saving himself.

12. A savage who had started from 3
Rivers arrived at quebec, with letters saying
that Father le moyne was still at 3 Rivers
with teharihogen.

20. 3 frenchmen arrived at quebec from 3
Rivers with letters. There was nothing new
there.

22. Marie boutet took the veil at the
Ursulines .

27. The 3 frenchmen returned to 3 Rivers.

Father le moyne.

FEBRUARY.

14. 2 frenchmen arrived from 3
with letters. No News.

Rivers

80

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

requete contre vn
pretre.

requete de M*.
vaillant contre
habitans.

9 les habitans de beaupre presenterent
requeste a Mr le gouuerneur pour qu informa
tion fut faite de la vie et moeurs de Mr
Vaillant, prestre de La dite cote, la requeste
fut renuoyee a 1 officialite.

10 fut presentee requeste a Mr le gouu.
Les par M r Vaillant pour qu information fut faite

contre lesdits habitans comme Calumnia-
teurs La Requeste fut enterinee & Mr Char-
tier auec son Greffier fut enuoye en qualite de
comissaire par Mr le Gouuerneur a la cote de
beaupre pour Informer: II oiiit 83 tesmoins.
Mr le gouuerneur ayant veu les Informa
tions Renuoya 1 affaire par deuant L official
et condamna ledit sieur Vaillant a payer les
fraitz.

MARS

15 Le p. Supr fit la visite a la coste de
beaupr& et Informa secretem*. de Mr Vaillant
pour L acquit de sa conscience.

AURIL

Les Ambassadcurs 3 Arriuerent a quebec 3 Oneites, pour

se nomment Soen res, traitter d affaires auec Mr le gouuerneur &
lonnonXara et

ptre condamnt aux
fraix.

Otarannhont.
Deputez des frog.

anmez

pour deliure leur gens de la prison.

5 Tiendrent conseil les susditz 3 ambassa-
deurs au fort. Vn desquels parla et fit 24
presens scauoir 22 aux francois i aux Alguon.
i. aux hurons. le but de ces presens estoit
de retirer les prisoniers Agnieronons Et Oneitft
faute de quoy il n y auroit point de paix.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 81

9. The habitans of beaupre presented a Petition against a
petition to Monsieur the governor to have an priest.
inquiry made respecting the life and morals of

Monsieur Vaillant, a priest of The said cote.
The petition was referred to the officiality.

10. A petition was presented to Monsieur Petition of Monsieur
the governor by Monsieur Vaillant, requesting vaillant against The
that inquiry be made against the said habitans

as Calumniators. The Petition was granted,
and Monsieur Chartier with his Clerk was
sent in the capacity of commissioner, by Mon
sieur the Governor, to the cote de beaupre to
hold an Inquiry. He examined 83 witnesses.

Monsieur the governor, after examining the Priest condemned to
Evidence given at the Inquiry, Referred the Py costs -

matter to The official, and condemned the said
sieur Vaillant to pay the costs.

MARCH.

1 5 . The father Superior visited the coste de
beaupre, and privately obtained Information
about Monsieur Vaillant, for conscience s sake.

APRIL.

3. 3 Oneioutes arrived at quebec, to dis- The names of the
cuss matters with Monsieur the governor, Ambassadors are

j , j i ,-, 1 / Soen^res. lonnon-

and to deliver their people from prison. 4 , ~.

wara, ana utarann-

5. The aforesaid 3 ambassadors held a hont.

council at the fort. One of them spoke, and Envoys of the
gave 24 presents namely, 22 to the french, annieronon Iroquois.
i to the Alguonquins, and i to the hurons.
The object of these presents was to deliver
the Agnieronon And Oneiout prisoners ; other
wise, there would be no peace.

ist: He accused himself of having too

82 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

i II s accuse d auoir trop tarde a faire son
debuoir cest a dire de faire satisfaction pour
le meurtre fait a montreal des 3. francois il dit
le viens arracher la hache de ceux qui ont
este tue a Montreal

2, 3. 4. le iette vn drap mortuaire sur le
mort il fit 3 presens pour cela. Vn pour
chaque mort

Presens des anm ers, 5 le iette bien auant dans la terre ces

morts arm d estouffer tous les sentiments de
vengeance.

6. II somme le francois et 1 alguonquin de
la parolle qu ils ont donne d enuoyer des Am-
bassadeurs a Agnee et que ce soit au plustost
car la paix depend de cela.

7 le plante le may simbole de la paix.

8 Faffermis ce mesme simbole de peur que
le vent ne 1 abbatte

9 I allume vn feu a 1 ombrage de cet arbre
pour assembler en conseil les francois alguonq.
hurons arm qu ils deliberent des moyens d vne
bonne paix.

10 le donne vn breuuage d vne excellente
racine blanche dont on guerit de toute sorte
de maladies en mon pays.

1 1 le dispose Onontio ton esprit a vne
bonne paix fais en sorte que les soldats depo-
sent toutes les pensees de guerre.

12 le remets le soleil nous n irons plus
qu en plein midy les nuages et les tenebres
seront tout a fait dissipez

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 83

long delayed doing his duty that is, to give
satisfaction for the murder of 3 frenchmen,
committed at montreal. He said: " I come
to tear away the hatchet from those who were
killed at Montreal."

2nd, 3rd, and 4th: " I throw a grave-cloth
on the dead man." He gave 3 presents for
this, one for each dead person.

5th: "I cast those dead men very deep Presents of the
into the ground, in order to stifle all feelings annieronons.
of revenge."

6th: He reminded the french and the
alguonquins of the word that they had given
to send Ambassadors to Agnee; and told
them to do so as soon as possible, for the
peace depended upon that.

7th: " I set up the may-tree, the symbol
of peace."

8th: "I strengthen the same symbol, so
that the wind may not overthrow it."

9th : "I kindle a fire in the shade of that
tree, to assemble the french, the alguonquins,
and the hurons in council, so that they may
deliberate respecting the means of obtaining
a suitable peace."

loth: I give a beverage made from an
excellent white root, with which diseases of
all kinds are cured in my country."

iith: " Onontio, I prepare thy mind for a
lasting peace. Cause the soldiers to lay aside
all thoughts of war."

1 2th: "I replace the sun; we will walk
hereafter in full daylight; the clouds and
darkness shall be completely dispelled."

84 LES RELA TJONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

13 Les Agnieronons attendant Ondesonk
et les Alguonquins voicy pour les asseurer
quil ny a rien a Craindre.

14 L Onontageronon te fait ressouvenir
que vous vous estiez pris par le bras L un
1 autre, que vous vous estiez liez auec des
liens de fer cest toy francois qui a rompu le
Lien partant; incognito de mon pais et quit-
tan t ta demeure.

15 L onontageronon te reprend par le bras
[et] renoue L amitie auec toy plus que lamais.

1 6 L Onontageronon te dit le te remets en
ta maison de Ganentaha tes logemens sont
encor sur pied. il y a vn ancien qui y
demeure pour les Conseruer. met ton canot
a leau et va prendre possession de ce qui
t appartient.

17 Ce qui m ameine particulierm* icy est
pour retirer les prisoniers d Agne.

1 8. rend les moy tous lesprit de nos
Anciens ne sera pas satisfait sans cela.

19 le te demande aussy que tu mettes en
liberte ceux de mon pais que tu retiens en
prison.

20 rend les moy tous ne les separe point
ou tout ou rien.

21 Les trois nations dagnee donetft et
d onontage attendent cela. autrement tu ne
leur ouures par le coeur.

22 ouure tes yeux et tes aureilles. fran
cois regarde come nos gens t ont rendu tout

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 85

1 3th: " The Agnieronons await Ondesonk
and the Alguonquins; here is something to
assure them that they have nothing to Fear."

1 4th: " The Onontageronon reminds thee
that you had clasped each other by the arm ;
that you had bound yourselves with iron
bonds. It is thou, frenchman, who hast brok
en the Bond by departing from my country
without my knowledge, and by abandoning
thy dwelling."

1 5th : " The onontageronon takes thee once
more by the arm, and renews friendship with
thee more strongly than Ever."

1 6th: " The Onontageronon says to thee,
I give thee back thy house of Ganentaha;
thy lodgings are still standing. An elder
resides there to Preserve them. Put thy
canoe into the water, and go to take posses
sion of what belongs to thee.

i ;th: " What brings me here particularly
is to withdraw the prisoners of Agne."

1 8th: " Deliver them all up to me; other
wise the minds of our Elders will not be
satisfied."

1 9th: " I also ask thee to free those from
my country whom thou detainest in prison."

2oth: " Deliver them all to me. Separate
them not ; all or none.

2ist: " The three nations of agnee, of
oneout, and of onontage await this; other
wise thou openest not thy heart to them."

22nd: " Open thy eyes and thy ears,
frenchman; see how our people have given
thee back thy prisoners all together without

86 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

en vn coup tous tes prisoniers sans en faire a
deux fois. Imite les afin que tu monstre que
tu desire autant la paix que nous.

23 Aux Alguonquins. Alguonquins ne
Craignez point d aller en ambassade que le
defaut de presens ne vous retienne pas: Vostre
presence et non pas vos dons feront Voir que
vous voulez la paix.

24 hurons dit 1 orateur ambassadeur cessez
de faire des huees aux Estrangers Iroquois
qui Viendront en ambassade ou en traitte chez
vous. II vouloit dire par la qu ils eussent a
les receuoir humainement.

6 La nuict vn des ambassadeurs fit vn pre
sent au pere Chaumonot en secret d un beau
Collier pour le prier de haster les affaires
qu on eut a respondre au plustost aux de-
mandes qu ils auoit fait a Onontio, et que Ion
ne les retint pas long temps.

15 la 2 e feste de pasques Antoinette du
tertre soeur de la Visitation fit profession a
1 hospital.

1 8 a 9 heures du soir arriua a quebec vn
canot des 3 Riuieres de 3 Alguonquins : qui dit
pour Nouuelles que 14 agnieronons auoient
pris prisoniers Mite^emeg et sa soeur Alguon
quins dans le lac S 1 pierre proche de la riuiere
de Richelieu ditte des Iroquois. mais que
tegarihogen ambassadeurs des Iroquois qui
pour lors estoit a la chasse en ces isles Ramena
le dit Mittfemeg et sa soeur aux trois Riuieres.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 87

doing it two separate times. Imitate them,
to show that thou desirest peace as much as
we do."

23rd: To the Alguonquins, " Alguon-
quins, Fear not to go on an embassy. Let not
the want of presents hinder you. Your
presence, and not your gifts, will Show that
you wish for peace."

24th : Hurons, said the ambassador who
spoke, " cease to hoot at Iroquois Strangers
who may Come on an embassy, or to trade in
your country." By this he meant that they
were to receive them kindly.

6. At night, one of the ambassadors pri
vately gave a present of a handsome Collar
to father Chaumonot, to beg him to press
matters, that an answer might be given as
soon as possible to the requests that they had
made to Onontio, and that they might not be
long detained.

15. On easter Monday, Antoinette du
tertre, sister of the Visitation, made her
profession at the hospital.

1 8. At 9 o clock in the evening, a canoe
with 3 Alguonquins arrived at quebec from 3
Rivers. It brought the News that 14 agnie-
ronons had taken prisoners Mitewemeg and
his sister, both Alguonquins, on lake St.
pierre, near the Richelieu river, called the
river of the Iroquois ; but that tegarihogen, the
ambassador of the Iroquois, who was then
hunting in those islands, had Brought back
Mitwemeg and his sister to three Rivers. 5

As the Algonquins whose arrival was

88

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

26 Aurtl

Presens a Quebek

Comme les Algonquins, qu on attendoit pour
respondre aux OnneiHtr. tardoient trop a venir,
Onnontio feit p nt de chascun vn capot aux 3
Ambassadeurs pour Les assurer qu on ne Les
retardoit pour autre fin que pour Leur donner
quelqu Algonquin pour remener en Ambas-
sade auec eux, aussi tost que Noel seroit de
retour

Le 26 me . Noel Algonquin reuient de sa
chasse et 2 iours apres on parle aux Ambassa
deurs OnneiStronons.

28 On respond Aux Ambassadeurs auec
7 colliers de remerciement a leur 24 p nts en
attendant qu ondesonk feit dans Leur pais
La totale response.

Aux 5 premiers p nts on respond ce qui suit,
si tu auois recogneu ta faute plustost nous n au-
rions pas veu tant de broiiilleries, et Les Peres
seroient encore a Kannenta et tes gents n au-
roient pas este" emprisonne s, enfin i aggree
que tu La recognoisse.

Aux 5 suiuants on respond que Les fran9ois
et Algonquins iront en ambassade.

Aux 3 suiuants on respond qu il seroit a
souhaitter que La ieunesse Iroquoise obe ist
aux Anciens comme La fran9oise obeit a
Onnontio.

Aux 3 d apres faits au nom de Sagochien-
dage te on respond que si Otre&a ti et ses huit
Camarades ne s en fussent point enfiiy, ie
m en serois retourne auec eux a Onnontage

1659 -60J JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 89

awaited to answer the Onneioutronons de
layed too long in coming, Onnontio gave a
present of a coat to each of the 3 Ambassa
dors, to assure Them that They were delayed
for no other object than to give Them some
Algonquin to take back with them on an
Embassy as soon as Noel should return.

On the 26th, Noel, the Algonquin, returned April 26.

from his hunt; and 2 days afterward a
conference was held with the Onneioutronon
Ambassadors.

28. The Ambassadors were answered by
7 collars, as thanks for their 24 presents, until
such time as ondesonk should make A full
answer in Their country.

The answer to the first 5 presents was as Presents at Quebek.
follows: " If thou hadst acknowledged thy
fault sooner, we would not have had so many
misunderstandings, The Fathers would still
be at Kannenta, and thy people would not
have been imprisoned. At last I am pleased
that thou dost acknowledge It."

To the next 5 the answer was, that The
french and the Algonquins would go on an
embassy.

To the 3 following the answer was, that it
would be desirable that The Iroquois young
men should obey the Elders as The french
obey Onnontio.

To the next 3, given in the name of Sago-
chiendage te, the answer was: " If Otrewa ti
and his eight Comrades had not fled, I would
have gone back with them to Onnontage.

To the 2 presents given in the name of The

90

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

30 Aurzl

Presents a oneiXt.

Aux 2 p nts fails au nom de L Anniege ron-
non, on respond que Les fers rompus par
Tegarihogen, ont este reforges par vostre
ieunesse insolente en tuant nvf . et nos allies.

Aux 3 suiuants on respond qu il a mauuaise
grace de redemander tons Les captifs veu qu il
ne nous ramene pas Le petit fran9ois que nous
auons si souuent redemande mais que nous
Luy en rendons trois sgauoir est 2 Onneitft et
Vn d Annienge, et de plus que nous rendons
GatogSann au P. Le Moyne a ce qu il le
remene auec L Algonquin

Au dernier p ttt on respond que nous auions
les yeux suffisamment ouuerts pour voir que
La voix de Leur Anciens n estoit pas assez
affermie par des coliers de pourcelaine, mais
qu il La falloit doresnauant affermir par des
homines que nous donnerions de part et d au-
tres pour demeurer Les uns auec Les au

Les Onneitftronnons Ambassadeurs partent
pour Les 3 Riuieres auec 4 de Leur gents sc.
est Te gannonchiogen et Sagon nenratfagon
d OnneM et Gatog^ann. et SoiehSasKHa d An
nienge, Le R P. sup r . et Le P. Droiiillet Les
y accompagnent auec quantite" d Algonquins
qui vont donner leur commission a L Ambas-
sadeur qui ira de Leur part au pais Iroquois

P ns que le Pere Le Moyne doit faire dans Le
pais aux Onneitft.

i. Nous ne S9auions pas que Garontagtfan
eut de son plein gre rendu nos 3 francois aux

91

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

Anniege ronnon, the answer was: " The fet
ters broken by Tegarihogen have been re-
forged by your insolent young men, in killing
us and our allies.

To the 3 following the answer was, that it
was bad grace on his part to ask that all The
captives be given up, inasmuch as he did not
bring back The little frenchman for whom
we had so often asked ; but that we gave Him
back three, namely, 2 Onneiouts, and One
man from Annienge, and besides that we
handed over Gatogwann to Father Le Moyne,
so that he might take him back with The
Algonquin.

The answer to the last present was, that
our eyes were sufficiently open to see that
The voice of Their Elders was not strength
ened enough by collars of porcelain beads;
but that in future It must be strengthened by
men whom each side should give to reside
with The other.

The Onneioutronnon Ambassadors start for April 3 o.

3 Rivers with 4 of Their people, namely,
Te gannonchiogen and Sagon nenrawagon, of
Onneiout; Gatogwann and Soiehwaskwa, of
Annienge. The Reverend Father superior
and Father Drouillet accompany Them there
with a number of Algonquins ; the latter are
going to give their message to The Ambas
sador who is to go on Their behalf to the
Iroquois country.

Presents that Father Le Moyne is to give to
the Onneiouts in Their country:

ist: We knew not that Garontagwan had Presents to oneoiut.

92 LES RELA TJONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Onnontageronnons et Annienge ronnons, nous
supposions que Les Onnontage ronnons Les
eussent retir cotnme a force de p nts &c C est
pourquoy ne t estonne pas que La ieunesse des
trois Riuieres aye mal traicte de tes gents &
cela neantmoins me desplait, i arrache La
hache de Leur teste.

2. Ie iette un Linceul sur les corps morts.

3. Ie mets un emplastre sur Les blesses.

4. I enfonce bien auant dans terre touts
les mauuais bruits.

5. ie replante Le may.

6. Ie Luy mets des racines.

7. Ie te donne un breuuage.

8. Ie te raccommode L esprit et a toute
la Ieunesse.

9. Ie rattache Ie soleil.

10. Ie te fais repandre ses rayons, a ce
que tu t assoie ou ils reluisent.

ii Ie reiinis en un toutes Les pansees de
vos 5 Nations, en sorte que Vous n ayes qu une
mesme parole.

12. Ie rallume Le feu en conseil.

13 ie remets une natte pour s asseoir
aupres de ce feu.

14 Ie rassemble Le conseil sur cette natte.

15 Ie te rends 2 de tes nepueux

16. Onnontio a soin des 2 OnneiSt demeures
a Kebec. vide 17.

1 8 Onnontio ne demande que La paix
Vous voyez bien que Les troubles ne sont

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 93

of his own accord delivered our 3 frenchmen to
the Onnontageronnons and Annienge ronnons.
We supposed that The Onnontage ronnons
would have withdrawn Them by dint of pres
ents, etc. Wherefore be not astonished that
The young men of three Rivers have ill-treated
thy people. And yet that displeases me; I
draw out The hatchet from Their heads."

2nd: "I throw a Shroud over the dead
bodies."

3rd : "I place a plaster on The wounded.

4th : "I bury all evil reports deep down
in the earth."

5th: " I set up The may-tree once more."

6th: "I put roots to It."

7th: " I give thee a beverage."

8th: " I calm thy mind, and those of all
thy Young men."

9th: " I replace the sun."

loth: " I cause its rays to be diffused for
thee, that thou mayst sit where they shine."

nth: "I unite in one all The thoughts
of your 5 Nations, so that You may have but
one speech."

1 2th: "I rekindle The council fire."

1 3th: " I replace a mat to sit on near that
fire."

1 4th: " I reassemble The council upon
that mat."

1 5 th : "I give thee back 2 of thy nephews.

1 6th: " Onnontio takes care of the 2
Onneiouts who have remained at Kebec. "
Vide 1 7th.

1 8th: "Onnontio asks only for peace.

94 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

veniis que de vostre part, lamais nous ne
comman9ons Les premiers.

17. Rends moy mon nepueu Charles Pi-
card que tu m as promis tant de fois pour Le
r instruire quand il sera bien r instruit il te
retournera voir.

19. Onnontio veut La paix a ce que Les
Peres puissent aller Librement partout
prescher La foy.

20 Nous sommes assures d vn Paradis
pour les bons et d un enfer pour Les Mes-
chants.

21 le t ouure Les aureilles a la voix de Dieu.

22 le proteste que c est ta faute si tu te
damnes, ie suis tout prest de reuenir quand
tu auras appaise Les troubles.

MAY

5 Verserent dans Vn canot, retournans de
1 isle d orleans par vn grand vent de nordest
Mr de la Citiere. L archeuesq3 et Herosme.
pere Le Motne. 7 Partirent des trois Riuieres pour aller

en ambassade 2. alguonquins le Pere Le
Moine et lean de Noyon a Agnie auec Tigari-
hogen. 4 prisoniers deliures de quebec et 3
ambassadeurs d onei^t.

12 partit de quebec pour tadoussac le p.
Albanel dans vne chalouppe.

13 partit Mr le Gouuerneur dans son bri-
gantin auec le p Chaumonot & 40 homes pour
les 3 Riuieres et Montreal.

29 II en retourna

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 95

You see very well that trouble comes only
from you. We are Never The first to begin.

1 7th: " Give me back my nephew Charles
Picard, whom thou hast so often promised
me, in order that He may be instructed once
more ; when he has been well instructed again,
he will go back to see thee."

i gth: " Onnontio desires peace, that The
Fathers may Freely go everywhere to preach
The faith."

2Oth: " We are assured of a Paradise for
the good, and of a hell for The Wicked.

2ist: "I open thine ears to the voice of
God."

22nd: "I protest that it is thy own fault if
thou art damned. I am quite ready to return
as soon as thou hast calmed The troubles.

MAY.

5. Monsieur de la Citiere, L archevesque,
and Herosme were upset in A canoe while
returning from the island of Orleans, in a
heavy gale from the northeast.

7. 2 alguonquins, Father Le Moine, and Father Le Maine.
Jean de Noyon 6 started from three Rivers
on an embassy to Agnie, with Tigarihogen,
4 prisoners freed at quebec, and 3 am
bassadors from oneiout.

12. Father Albanel started from quebec
in a shallop for tadoussac.

13. Monsieur the Governor started in his
brigantine with father Chaumonot and 40
men for 3 Rivers and Montreal.

29. He returned thence.

96 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

IUIN

2 Arriua Vne chalouppe de Montreal qui
dit auoir veu des Iroquois a Montreal C estoit
le bastar flament luy 25*. Larose dit auoir veu
5 Canots Iroquois remontant des 3 Riu. a
montreal. les sauuages des 3 Riuieres disent
allant en traitte dans les 3 Riui vers le pre
mier sault auoir veu Vn Cabanage d Iroquois.
les francois disent auoir veu 3 Canots Iroquois
dans les isles des 3 Riu. Tout cela quasi en
mesme temps.

8 Nous aprismes par deux sauuages retour-
nans de la cliasse quils auoient trouue 40.
agnieronons a la pointe ste croix dont le
chef estoit le bastar flamand qui venoient
en guerre, Et le Ciel bleu et 3 freres de la
Grande Cuillier. qui prirent vn Canot d un
alguonquin Iroquise et vn huron. ils furent
relachez.

9 Ces deux sauuages relach.es retournerent
a la pointe de ste Croix pour y trouuer lesdits
40 Iroquois et pour leur dire que les francois
qu ils auoient demande ne Viendroient pas a
eux. Le huron retourna seul dans son Canot
a quebec L alguonquin Iroquise resta parmi
eux.

4 francoeur fut poursuiui au matin dans
son champ par 3 Iroquois au fort S l Xauier et
eust este pris si ceux du dit fort ne fussent
venus au secours. En suitte Mr le gouuer-
neur enuoya dresser des ambuscades vers ces

1659-60] JOURNAL DBS PP. J&SUITES 97

JUNE.

2. A shallop arrived from Montreal, which
reports that Iroquois have been seen at Mont
real. It was the flemish bastard, who was the
25th. Larose says that he saw 5 Iroquois
Canoes going up from 3 Rivers to montreal.
The savages from 3 Rivers say that, while
going to trade at 3 Rivers, they saw An
Iroquois Encampment near the first rapid.
The french say that they saw 3 Iroquois
Canoes in the islands of 3 Rivers. All this
almost at the same time.

8. We learned from two savages, who
were returning from the chase, that they had
found 40 agnieronons at point ste. croix,
headed by the flemish bastard, and coming to
make war. They also saw le Ciel bleu [ blue
Sky"], and 3 brothers of la Grande Cuillier
["Large Spoon"], who seized a Canoe of
an Iroquoised alguonquin and a huron. The
latter were set free.

9. These two released savages returned to
point of ste. Croix to meet the 40 Iroquois,
and to tell them that the french for whom
they had asked would not Come to them.
The huron returned alone in his Canoe to
quebec. The Iroquoised alguonquin remained
with them.

4. In the morning, francoeur was pursued
in his field at fort St. Xavier by 3 Iroquois.
He would have been captured, had not those
who were in the fort come to his assistance.
Afterward, Monsieur the governor sent 3

98

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Arrivde du

quartiers La par 3 escouades de francois
d alguonquins Et hurons.

1 6 fit profession aux Vrsulines soeur
Antoinette de ste Marthe.

Sur les 6 du soir ce mesme lour arriua de

Eveque, de 2. ptres, f rance a q ue bec le premier Vaisseau, qui nous
du P. Lallemant

donna vn Euesqs. auec Mr Charni le p lalle-

mant et 2 prestres

17 Nous receusmes en procession Mr
L euesque sur le bord de la riuiere et en
leglise de quebec.

9. & 10 le visite les monasteres des hospi-
talieres Et Vrsulines.

22 Mr L euesque fit festin aux sauuages
dans nostre sale et leur parla bien a propos.

27 Nous receusmes Nouuelles par vn Canot
de Montreal et des trois Riuieres que 3. fran
cois des trois Riuieres auoient este faits pri-
soniers aux isles de richelieu estans a la chasse
par vne bande d Iroquois Onontageronons.
Comme aussy qu un alguonquin qui accom-
pagnoit L ambassadeur alguonquin auec le
pere le Moine, apres auoir demeure deux lours
dans le Village d agne. s enfuit de peur ; Et
arriua a Montreal

29 Mr L euesq3 dit la messe in pontificali-
bus, fit faire abiuration apres Vespres a vn
heretique

IUILLET

3 a dix heures du soir arriua d Agnie a
quebec le P. le Moine auec L alguonquin

j, francois
prtsonnzers.

i. messe pontificate,
abjuration.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

99

A rrival of the ist

Bishop, of 2 priests,

and of Father

Lallemant.

squads, of french, alguonquins, And hurons,
to lay ambushes in that quarter.

1 6. Sister Antoinette de ste. Marthe made
her profession at the Ursulines .

At 6 o clock on the evening of the same
Day, the first Ship from france arrived at
quebec, bringing us a Bishop, with Monsieur
Charni, father lallemant, and 2 priests.

17. We received Monseigneur The bishop
in procession on the bank of the river, and in
the church of quebec.

9 and 10. I visited the monasteries of the
hospital nuns And of the Ursulines.

22. Monseigneur The bishop gave a feast
to the savages in our hall, and spoke to them
very appropriately.

27. We received News by a Canoe from 3 frenchmen taken
Montreal and three Rivers that 3 frenchmen
of three Rivers had been taken prisoners in
the islands of richelieu by a band of Ononta-
geronon Iroquois while they were hunting.
Also, that an alguonquin, who accompanied
The alguonquin ambassador with father le
Moine, after remaining two Days in the
Village of agne, had fled through fear, And
had arrived at Montreal.

29. Monseigneur The bishop said mass in
pontificalibus; after Vespers he received the
abjuration of a heretic.

JULY.

3. At ten o clock at night, Father le Moine
arrived at quebec from Agnie with The alguon
quin eiitawikiik And 4 Agnieronons, who came

prisoners.

i st pontifical mass.
Abjuration.

100 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

eiitatfiKiiK Et 4 Agnierons qui venoient reque-
rir la grande Cuillier et les autres ostages.
4 Conseils. On tint 4 conseils. ou il fut dit.

i. L iroquois remercie onontio de ce quil
a conserue la vie a ses gens.

2 il essuie les larmes d onontio pour la
prise fraichement faite par les Onontager. de
trois francois.

3. il luy debouche Le gozier et luy arreste
ses sanglots par L esperance quil luy donne
qu il luy fera reuoir en bref les francois pris.

Onontio parle et dit

i le te remercie de ce que tu as Conserue
la vie a mes ambassadeurs.

2 I essuie tes larmes pour la perte de tes
gens tile s cet hyuer en guerre centre La nation
du feu Et autres.

3 I arreste tes sanglots pour le mesme
subiet.

2. Conseil

le P le moine raconte tout au long sa
gestion rend Compte de son ambassade a
Agnie.

3 Conseil

le subiet fut pour scauoir si on rendroit tous
les prisoniers ou vne partie ou si on les retien-
droit tous. Conclusio prise de renuoyer les
deux Agnieronons scauoir la grande Cuillier
Et son Compagnon & retenir les deux Onneitft
lusque a temps qu on eut renuoye les deux
francois pris par les Onontager.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 101

to get la grande Cuillier and other hostages.

4 councils were held, at which the follow- 4 Councils.
ing was said :

ist: " The iroquois thanks onontio for
having preserved the life of his people."

2nd : " He wipes away the tears of onontio
for the recent capture of three frenchmen by
the Onontageronons."

3rd : He clears his throat and stops his
sobbing with The hope that he holds out to
him that he will soon enable him to see again
the french who have been captured.

Onontio speaks and says,

ist: "I thank thee for having Preserved
the life of my ambassadors."

2nd: "I wipe away thy tears for the loss
of thy people who were killed last winter, in
the war against The nation of fire And other
nations."

3rd: " I arrest thy sobbing for the same
cause.

2nd Council.

Father le moine relates at length what he
has done, and renders an Account of his
embassy to Agnie.

3rd Council.

Its object was to decide whether all the pris
oners or only a portion of them should be given
up, or whether all should be retained. The
conclusion was to send back the two Agnie-
ronons, namely, la grande Cuillier And his
Companion, and to detain the two Onneiouts
Until the two frenchmen taken by the Ononta
geronons should have been sent back.

102 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

4 Conseil

i On declare aux Iroquois qui auoient
ramene le p le Moine que 1 on leur donne leur
gens et qu on retient les deux autres.

2 . Leur declare que L ambassadeur al-
guonquin auoit fait centre ses ordres n ayant
pas compris les sauuages de tadousac dans
le traitte de paix qu il veut qu il y soient
compris.

3 II leur declare que cest L alguonquin
& le huron auec luy qui rend la grande Cuil-
liere.

4 II leur donne aduis qu ils ayent a visiter
publiquement Non en Cachette par les
Chemins ordinaires et non par les bois.

En suitte L Iroquois parle et dit
i Onontio le te remercie de ce que tu
deliures mes gens.

2 Alguonquins Et hurons de ce que vous
auez contribue a ce Renuoye.

3 Onontio ie te prie que mon fils 1 onei^t
qui demeure encore chez toy qu il ne soit
pas retenu si Court.

4 Ie t asseure que desormais on n enten-
dra plus le bruit de ma hache en ces quartiers
que la terre ne sera plus ensanglantee &c.
Ie porteray La guerre ailleurs.

5 Alguonquins Et hurons, ie vous In-
uite a venir traitter dans iios Villages sans
crainte.

6 Onontio ie te Remercie de ce que tu as

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 103-

4th Council.

ist : The Iroquois who brought back father
le Moine are told that their people will be
given up to them and that the two others will
be detained.

2nd: He tells them that The alguonquin
ambassador acted contrary to his orders, for
he did not include the tadousac savages in the
treaty of peace; that he wishes them to be
included in it.

3rd: He tells them that it is The alguon
quin and the huron with him who give up la
grande Cuilliere.

4th : He warns them that they must come
openly to visit, and Not in Secret; by the
usual Roads, and not through the woods.

Afterward The Iroquois speaks, saying:

ist: " Onontio, I thank thee that thou
surrenderest my people."

2nd: " Alguonquins And hurons, I thank
you that you have contributed to that
Surrender."

3rd: " Onontio, I beg that my son the
oneiout, who still remains with thee, be not
kept in such Close confinement."

4th : "I assure thee that in future the
noise of my hatchet shall no longer be heard
in this quarter ; that the earth shall no longer
be stained with blood," etc. " I will carry
war elsewhere."

5th: " Alguonquins And hurons, I Invite
you to come without fear to trade in our
Villages."

6th: " Onontio, I Thank thee that thou

104 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

donne la vie a 1 alguonquin Iroquise pris en
guerre.

7 le te prie de trouuer les moyens de nous
faire retourner vistement en nostre pais.
p. le moine. le 8 partirent d icy les Iroquois pour leur

pais, auec le p le Moine qui restera aux 3 Riui.
partit aussy pour Tadousac Mr St denis dans
vne petite barque.

1 6. arriua des trois Riuieres vn Canot qui
nous aprit que la Grande Cuillier auec son
Compagnon estoit parti. Et que Antoine des
Rosiers s estoit sauue des mains des Ononta-
geronons vers le lac d Ontario et quil estoit
arriue aux trois Riuieres.

19 arriua vn canot des 3. Riuieres a 9
heures du soir et de Montreal qui portoit pour
nouuelles que 12 canots estoient descendus
des poissons blancs. auec bonne pelterie et
qu on se preparoit pour aller aux tftatfaK.
P. fremin. 22 arriua des 3 Riuieres le p. fremin dans

la chalouppe de toupin.

AOUST

i Arriua des trois Riuieres vn Canot qui
porta nouuelles que 33 canots estoient arriuez
des terres partie attiKameg pisKatang. entre
autres 6 canots de la nation du Sault, misisa-
ger. lesquels six canots du sault descendirent
par les terres et y rencontrerent Les poissons
blancs, y furent 5 mois en leur voyage. Us
demandent des francois pour les escorter en
leur retour.

canots venus des
poissons blancs.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. jS UITES 105

hast given life to the Iroquoised alguonquin
captured in war."

7th: " I beg thee to find means to enable
us to return quickly to our own country.

On the 8th, the Iroquois left here for their Father le moine.
country with father le Moine, who remained
at 3 Rivers. Monsieur St. denis also started
for Tadousac in a small bark.

1 6. A Canoe arrived from three Rivers
and informed us that la Grande Cuillier had
set out with his Companion; also, that An-
toine des Rosiers had escaped from the hands
of the Onontageronons in the vicinity of lake
Ontario, and had arrived at three Rivers.

19. A canoe arrived at 9 o clock at night 12 canoes arrivefrom
from 3 Rivers and Montreal, bringing news thepotssons blancs.
that 12 canoes had come down from the
poissons blancs with a good supply of furs,
and that preparations were being made to go
to the Outawak.

22. Father fremin arrived from 3 Rivers Father fremin.
in toupin s shallop.

AUGUST.

i. A Canoe arrived from three Rivers,
bringing news that 33 canoes had come from
inland, partly attikameg and piskatang,
among others, 6 canoes of the nation of the
Sault, misisager. 7 These six canoes of the
sault came down by inland routes, and met
therein The poissons blancs; they were 5
months on their journey. They ask for some
frenchmen to escort them on their return.

106

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

piece pour La
reception de M s s r de
Petrte

ptres et les. vont eti
france

abbt de Que lus, venu
de montr^al.

Iraq, tiiez

pesche de Loups
marins et morues.

C-firmatton.

3 fut representee dans nostre chappelle de
quebec L action en 1 honneur de Mr 1 euesque
de petr6e. Tout alia bien.

4 partit sur les 1 1 heures du matin le vais-
seau du gagneur ou estoient Mr le vaillant:
les pp Richard et fremin, M de La Citiere et
Mr du Menu.

3 fut public a la paroisse vn monitoir a
raison d un vol fait depuis peu de lours, de
54!! de castor au magazin.

7 arriua le bac de Montreal: qui nous
donna Mr L abbe de Queylus il alia loger
au fort

10 Arriua de misKtf le sieur du tertre qui
nous donna pour nouuelle qu vn Iroquois
auoit tue sur 1 islet de tadousac vne monta-
gnese Et que le meurtrier auoit este tue a
coups de fusil sur la place.

2 1 Arriuerent des sauuages des trois Riui-
eres auec 9 cheuelures d Iroquois qu ils
auoient tiiez vne lournee au dessus de mont-
real.

Le mesme lour partit d icy La chalouppe
pour aller querir a Montreal Les deux hospi-
talieres.

20 partit lespine pour aller aux Loups ma
rins a 1 isle rouge : le lour auparauant Estoit
partie la chalouppe du sieur Maheu pour aller
a la moliie a 1 isle percee.

24 Mr leuesque confirma a 1 hospital an

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

107

3. A representation was given in our
chapel of quebec, in honor of Monseigneur the
bishop of petraea. Everything went well.

4. At ii o clock in the morning, le
gagneur s ship sailed ; on board of it were Mon
sieur le vaillant, fathers Richard and fremin,
Madame La Citiere, and Monsieur du Menu. 8

3. A monitory was read in the parish
church on account of a theft of 54 livres of
beaver-skins from the warehouse, a few Days
ago.

7. The boat from Montreal arrived, bring
ing us Monsieur The abbe de Queylus; he
went to lodge in the fort.

10. Sieur du tertre arrived from miskou
and brought news that an Iroquois had killed
a montagnais woman on the islet of tadousac,
And that the murderer had been shot dead on
the spot.

21. Some savages arrived from three
Rivers with the scalps of 9 Iroquois, whom
they had killed at a distance of a Day s
journey above montreal.

On the same Day, The shallop started from
this place to go and get The two hospital
nuns at Montreal.

20. Lespine set out to hunt for Seals at
isle rouge. On the previous Day, the shallop
of sieur Maheu Had started for the cod-fishery
at isle percee.

24. Monseigneur the bishop confirmed at
the hospital this morning 100 savages, both
alguonquins and hurons.

26. A Canoe arrived from 3 Rivers with

A PI ay for The recep
tion of Monseigneur
of Petrcea.

Priests and Jesuits
go to f ranee.

Abbt de Que lus

arrived from

montrtal.

Iroquois killed.

Seal-hunting and
cod-fishing.

Confirmation.

8, francois pris p.
Les Iraq.

108 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 45

matin 100 sauuages tant alguonquins que
hurons.

26 arriua vn Canot des 3 Riuieres portant
pour nouuelles la prise de 8 francois proche
des 3 Riuieres par 100 Agnieronons. La
Prise fut faite le 25. iour St Louis.

27 partit vn chalouppe de quebec, de 25
hommes pour aller secourir les trois Riuieres.

28 Mr 1 euesque dit pontificalement la
messe a 1 hospital ou prescha Mr L abbe de
queylus. le lour de st Augustin.

29 17. canots tant Alguonquins que hurons
partirent de quebec pour aller en guerre vers
les trois riuieres.

P. alb one l. 3 1 Arriua de tadousac le p. Albanel dans

le bac de Mr lepine qui auoit tue sur 1 isle
rouge 220 loups marins.

SEPTEMBRE

3 se sauua a quebec vn huron Iroquisk
d une bande de 7 Iroquois qui estoit vers le
moulin de Mr de mores pour faire coup & dit
que 3 autres bandes le suiuoient de 7. de 10.
/ran. brule. de 15. que le francois pris par les onontage-
ronons auoit este brusle a Onontage que la
grande Cuillier estoit a agne que la guerre
estoit resoliie independent de son renuoye,
qu il auoit rencontre 8 francois faits prisoniers
aux 3 Riuieres par 60 agnieronons qu on les
menoit au pai s pour estre bruslez.

Moulin sur Le cap 4 Le moulin de Mr denis sur le cap aux

diamans Comenca a moudre.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

109

8 french taken

prisoners by The

Iroquois.

Father albanel.

the news of the capture of 8 frenchmen by
100 Agnieronons near 3 Rivers. The Capture
was made on the 25th, the feast of St. Louis.

27. A shallop started from quebec with
25 men to go to the assistance of three Rivers.

28. Monseigneur the bishop celebrated
mass pontifically at the hospital, at which
Monsieur The abb de queylus preached; st.
Augustine s Day.

29. 17 canoes, of both Alguonquins and
hurons, started from quebec to go to war in
the direction of three rivers.

31. Father Albanel arrived from tadousac
in the boat of Monsieur lepine, who had killed
220 seals on isle rouge.

SEPTEMBER.

3. An Iroquoised huron escaped to quebec
from a band of 7 Iroquois, who were lurking
in the vicinity of the mill belonging to Mon
sieur de mores, to strike a blow. He reported
that 3 other bands, consisting respectively
of 7, of 10, and of 15 men, were following

him ; that the frenchman taken by the ononta- Frenchman burned.
geronons had been burned at Onontage ; that la
grande Cuillier was at agne ; that war had been
decided upon in spite of his release; that he
had met 8 french who had been taken prisoners
at 3 Rivers by 60 agnieronons, who were tak
ing them to their country to be burned.

4. The mill belonging to Monsieur denis Mill on The cape.
on cap aux diamans Began to grind grain.

6. On the night between the 5th and the
6th, the two Iroquois escaped from the fort.

110 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Arriuee du dernier
vaisseau

vats, apporte
Mense avec 3 rel.

pr. montr.

II aporte aussi Vne

maladie Contagteuse

~q infecte le pats.

banes de M.
V Euesque &> de M.
le gouu.

Le R P. Jerome
Lallemant Super.

Mr. I Abbede
QueylvJ Remue

6 La rmict entre le 5. et le 6. se satmerent
les deux Iroquois du fort.

7 arriua a 7 heures du soir le vaisseau
appelle le st Andre qui nous donna 3 Reli-
gieuses pour le montreal Mademoiselle Mance
& 2 prestres Mons. Vignar & M r le maistre &
enuiron 130. passagers 9. ou dix estoient
morts par le chemin d vne certaine fiebre
cotagieuse.

II y eut en ce temps grande contestaon p r . la
situaon des banes de Mons r . 1 Euesque & de
mons r . le Gouuerneur, Mons. d Ailleboust
s en entremit & la chose fut accordee que le
bane de M r . 1 Euesque seroit dans les balus-
tres, & celuy de M r . le Gouuern r . hors des
balustres au milieu.

Outre les morts du susdit vaisseau plusieurs
arriuant descendirent malades du vaisseau de
cette fiebure Contagieuse, qui se communiqua
incontinent a plusieurs personnes du pays
qui en furent infectes dont quelques vns
moururent.

le 8. le Hierosme Lalemant rentre* en
charge le 8. de Sept a 8. h. du soir.

Mons r . 1 Abbe de Queylvf estant sur le
poinct de s embarquer p r . s en retourner en
france, changea de dessein a I arriue e du vais
seau sur les lettres qu il receut, & luy qui
auoit protest^ que quelque lettre & pouuoir
qui luy seroit enuoye il ne 1 accepteroit pas &

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. jSUITES 111

7. At 7 o clock in the evening, the vessel Arrival of the last

called the st. Andrt arrived, bringing 3 Nuns shi P-

for montreal, Mademoiselle Mance, 2 priests, 9 Ship brings

Monsieur Vignar and Monsieur le maistre, and Mademoiselle

-r\ .1 Mense with ? nuns

about 130 passengers. During the passage, 9 for mon( / eal

or ten had died of a contagious fever. // a i so brings A

There was at this time a sharp dispute Contagious disease

respecting the position of the seats of which infects the

-r\- -i 1 country.

Monseigneur the Bishop and of monsieur the

* Seats of Monsei-

Governor. Monsieur d Ailleboust intervened, gneur the Bishop and
and it was agreed that the seat of Monsei- Monsieur the
gneur the Bishop should be within the altar- governor.

rails, and that of Monsieur the Governor
outside the rails, in the middle of the church.

In addition to those who died on board the
aforesaid ship, several who arrived were, on
disembarking from the ship, ill of that Con
tagious fever. It immediately communicated
itself to several persons in the country, who
were attacked by it, and some of them died.

8th. I, Hierosme Lalemant, entered into Reverend Father
office on the 8th of September, at 8 o clock in Jerome Lallemant

,, . Superior.

the evening.

Monsieur the Abbe de Queylus, who was Monsieur the Abb
on the point of embarking to return to france, de Q**y*** Bestirs
changed his mind upon the arrival of the
ships, in consequence of the letters that he
received. He, who had protested that, no
matter what letter or what powers might be
sent him, he would not accept the same, and
who had protested the greatest friendship for
Monseigneur of petrsea, when he found him
self possessed of powers from Monseigneur
of rouen, and of The letter from the king

1J2 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

qui auoit proteste toute amitie auec Mons r .
de petree, se voyant nanti des potmoirs
de Mons r de rouen, & de La lettre du roy
du ii. de May, leua le masque & voulut se
faire reconnoistre grand Vicaire de Mons r .
de roiien ; mais Mons r . de petree estant d vn
autre cost6 nanti d vne autre lettre du 14.
qui derogeoit entierement a la i e . II fut
contraint de desister; mais Mons r . de Petree
n ayant plvf suiet de sy fier disposa de tout
icy bas & a Montreal souuerainement p r . le
spirituel.

Seruice de Monsr. de ii. Monseign r . de petre e Euesque ayant
Bermeres. desir6, qu on fit le seruice p r . M r . de Bernieres
partout nvf le fismes le leudy Intimant la
veuille au refectoire que le lendemain tvf les
pp. diroient la messe de requie & nos ff. vn
Chapelet & Communieroient. Mons r 1 Eues
que dit la messe de Co nion ; il eut eu bien de
1 Inclinaon qu on eut dit vn seruice, mais nvf
nvf en excusasmes luy faisant voir que c estoit
contre nos coustumes.

Ptres regallez. Ce mesme lour nvf traitasmes au refectoire

M r . 1 Abbe de Kelvf & les deux prestres venus
de nouueau auec M r . d Ales.

Iyroq\u\ois font des le 12. sur les io. heures du matin huict
prison. yroquois attaquerent au Cap rouge ceux qui

estoient a 1 Anguille & emmenerent captif
Guill. routi er.
chape lie. Consul te p r . 1 augmentaon de Chapelle, ou

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 113

dated the nth of May, raised the mask, and
sought to have himself acknowledged as the
Vicar-general of Monseigneur of rouen. How
ever, as Monseigneur of petraea, on the other
hand, was provided with another letter dated
the 1 4th, which completely contradicted the
ist one, he was compelled to desist. But
Monseigneur of Petraea, seeing that he could
no longer trust him, assumed sovereign
authority over everything down here and in
Montreal, regarding spiritual matters. lc

1 1 . Monseigneur of petrsea, the Bishop,
having expressed a wish that funeral services
be celebrated everywhere for Monsieur de Ber-
nieres, 11 we complied with his request on
Thursday, after having given Notice on the
previous day, in the refectory, that on the mor
row all the fathers should say a requiem mass,
and our brethren should recite the Rosary
and receive Communion. Monseigneur the
Bishop said the Communion mass. He would
have much Preferred we should celebrate a
service ; but we excused ourselves from this,
showing him that it was contrary to our custom.

On the same Day, we regaled in our refec
tory Monsieur the Abbe de Kelus, and the
two priests who had recently come with
Monsieur d Ales.

On the 1 2th, at about 10 o clock in the
morning, eight yroquois attacked those who
were fishing for Eels at Cap rouge, and took
Guillaume routi er captive.

A Consultation was held. The question was
discussed, whether our Chapel should be

Funeral service for

Monsieur de

Bernieres.

Priests regaled.

The lyroquois take
some prisoners.

Our chapel.

114 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Rob. hache donnd
male se gerit.

Consults,
abs. du Samedy.

chir. o curet
fastnmas...

rectpiendz aut non
admittendi.

yroquots. tuent vn
franc.

fuyard repris.
Mort du p dequen.

en faire vne nouuelle, differ6 a d icy en vn an
& Interim qu on aduiseroit de la place.

Ite p r robert hache, Conclusion qu il sorti-
roit, ou se mettroit a La raison des autres
donnez.

Ite p r . 1 Abstinence du Samedy: an Conti-
nuada per annu? Continuanda cu hac modi-
ficaoe, qd sero ttum In coena obseruaretur.

Ite de Sillery; redigenda resid. ilia qdm
Huronesis, hoc e facient nobiscu vna domu
habente eosde officiales; si eo redeunt sylues-
tres, restituetur suse pprietati.

Ite de f. bonnemer; moderada actio Chi-
rurgi circa foemineu sexu.

Ite p r . les femmes a la Congregaon, Les
bonnes festes auec Conge.

Ite de fiacre au nouitiat; de boquet, de Ch.
panie, hie vltimvf seruadvf in annu sequen-
tem. boquet privf monendvf qd si post vota
exeat, non recipiedvf.

Ite de p. Poncet cui petenti concessa suffra-
gioru n rorum participao.

Vn frangois nomm6 1 Epine tiie aux 3. riu.
par les Iroquois, peut estre par 1 vn des deux
qui s estoient eschapes des prisons de Quebek,
dont 1 vn a este repris.

OCTOBRE

Le i. le p. lean de Quen s alita, & le 8. il
mourut de ces fieures contagieuses qu auoit
apporte le dernier vaisseau dont il e parle cy

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP, JESUITES

115

enlarged, or a new one built. Decision of this
was postponed for a year, and it was resolved
that, Interim, we should consider the site.

Item, respecting robert hache. The Con
clusion was, that he should leave, or conform
to The same rules as the other donn6s.

Item, respecting Abstinence on Saturday.
An Continuanda per annum? Continuanda cum
hac modification , quod sero tantum In coena obser-
varetur.

Item, concerning Sillery. Redigenda residen-
tia ilia quidem Huronensis, hoc est, facient nobis-
cum unam domum habentem eosdem officiales; si
redeunt sylvestres, restituetur suce proprietati. 12

Item, respecting brother bonnemer. Mo-
deranda actio Chirurgi circa famine um sexum.

Item, in regard to the admission of women
to the exercises of the Congregation on The
principal festivals, with Permission.

Item, concerning the admission of fiacre, of
boquet, and of Charles panie to the novitiate.
Hie iiltimus servandus in annum sequentem. Bo
quet prius monendus; quod si post vota exeat, non
recipiendus.

Item, respecting father Poncet, cut petenti
concessa suffragiorum nostrorum participatio.

A frenchman named 1 Epine was killed at
3 rivers by the Iroquois, probably by one of
the two who had escaped from the prisons of
Quebek. One of these has been recaptured.

OCTOBER.

On the ist, father Jean de Quen took to his
bed; and on the 8th he died from those

Robert hache, a

donnd,
male se gerit.

Consultation.

Abstinence on

Saturday.

Chirurgus non curet
foeminas.

Recipiendi aut non
admittendi.

Yroquois kill a
frenchman.

Fugitive recaptured.

Death of father
dequen.

116 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

dessvf ; son histoire particuliere ou l re encicli-
que se trouuera dans les Archities.

Enterremt. du p. Le 9. fut enterre" le p. de Quen an matin,

dequen. -, . ,

praesente corpore dictae duae misses pnuatae in

summo Altari, du diceretur officiu.

Vesture de leanne le mesme lour fut faite la vesture de leanne

Godefroy aux Vrsul 6 . par Monseign r 1 Eues-

que: il fit le Ceremonie en rochet & Camail

deuant & apres vne messe basse qu il dit.

contribut! au dot. Mons 1 ". de petree Luy donna p r son habit 9.

ausnes de serge noire a 6tt. L ausne deux
pieces de toile de 25. ausnes chaqu vne, le
donne" dix escvf p r . la Tunique & les voiles
blancs, que les religieuses fournirent.

Depart du vaisseau. le 22. partit le vaisseau du Capit. poulet

qui auoit amene ceux de Montreal; dans ce

Le P. vtmont, ab. de vaisseau s en alia le p. barth. Vimont fiacre

& lean de Noyon nos domestiques; Mons 1 ".
TAbbe" de Queylvf, M r . de becancour, Char-
tier, Villere, & la plvf part des marchans. Us
relascherent & ne repartirent que le 26.

Incendie evitt. Le dernier d oct. sur les 10. h. du matin le

feu s estant pris a la cheminee de la Cuisine,
faute d auoir este ramonee, on fut en danger,
mais le prompt secours nvf deliura.

NOUEMBRE

retour de guerriers. Le i . retournerent les Guerriers qui ame-

nerent vn petit Agnieronon de 12 ou 13. ans
apres auoir tue" deux hommes. cet enfant eut
la vie par n re moyen scauoir en fournissant

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

117

Burial of father
dequen.

Taking of the veil by
Jeanne Godefroy.

Contributions to the
dower.

contagious fevers that had been brought by
the last ship, mention of which has been made
above. His private history or encyclical
letter will be found in the Archives.

Father de Quen was buried on the morning
of the gth, pr&sente corpore, dictce du& misstz
privates in summo Altari, dum dicer etur officium.

On the same Day, Jeanne Godefroy took
the veil at the Ursulines . Monseigneur the
Bishop performed the Ceremony, in rochet
and Camail, before and after a low mass that
he said. Monseigneur of petrsea gave Her,
for her habit, 9 ells of black serge at 6 livres
The ell; and two pieces of linen, of 25 ells
each. I gave ten ecus for the Tunic and the
white veils, which the nuns furnished.

On the 22nd sailed Captain poulet s ship,
which had brought the people for Montreal;
in that ship went father barthelemy Vimont,
fiacre, and Jean de Noyon, our domestics,
Monsieur the Abb6 de Queylus, Monsieur de
becancour, Chartier, Villere, and most of the
merchants. They put back to port and did
not start again until on the 26th.

On the last day of October, at about 10
o clock in the morning, fire caught in the
Kitchen chimney, as it had not been swept.
We were in danger, but were saved by prompt
assistance.

NOVEMBER.

On the ist, the Warriors returned, after Return of warriors.
having killed two men, bringing a little
Agnieronon boy 12 or 13 years old. This

Departure of the
ship.

Father vimont, abb
de Quelus.

Fire avoided.

118 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.. 45

P. Driiilletes.

depart p*. Montreal

&
du p. Aloes.

retour de TadXsac

Mission d hyuer

vn pensionaire
gratis au sre.

Autres pension, de
la paroisse.

P. albanel) son
depart pour
Tadousac.

3OOott. grains de pourcelaine dont M r 1 euesque
donna la moitie ; en mesme temps eut la vie
1 oneiocheronon qui estoit prisonier au fort p r .
lequel pareillement on donna mil graines de
porcel.

Ce mesme lour partit p r . montreal Mons r .
de maisonneuue Mons r . d Ailleboust de Mus-
seaux Suar &c & le p Aloes pour les 3. riu. le
p Druilletes deuoit aussi partir mais p r . ne
s estre trouue a temps les Chaloupes partirent
sans luy. II partit toutesfois 8. lours apres
p r . retourner au plustost

le 9. retourna de Tadousac le p. Albanel
& Guill. boiuin.

le 8. partit aussy le p. Mercier p r . sa mission
de beaupre.

Le 15. ouenuiron fut arreste" qu on nouriroit
gratis vn Enfant au seminaire & chaqu vn pas
plvf d vn an pour pouuoir estendre la Charit
sur plusieurs. & fut nomme Joseph Dubuisson
tout le premier p r . lusques a la Toussains de
1660.

Et le nombre de ceux qui sont nouris aux
despens de la paroisse fut augment^ de deux,
& ainsy ils estoient 4 st martin, morin, Amador
& Veron ou Poupau.

le 21. partit le p. Albanel p r . aller hyuer-
ner a Tadousac auec Guill. boiuin & francois
pelletier d vne part & Mons r d Auteiiil & deux
matelots de 1 autre; c est vne espreuue qu on

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

119

child s life was saved through our instrumen
tality that is, on payment of 3,000 porcelain
beads, of which amount Monseigneur the
bishop gave half. At the same time, the life
of the oneiocheronon who was a prisoner in
the fort was saved ; for this also one thousand
porcelain beads were given.

On the same Day, Monsieur de maison-
neuve, Monsieur d Ailleboust, de Musseaux,
Suar, and others left for montreal, and father
Aloes for 3 rivers. Father Druilletes was to
go also; but he was not there in time, and
the Shallops left without him. He started,
however, 8 Days afterward, to return as soon
as possible.

On the Qth, father Albanel and Guillaume
boivin returned from Tadousac.

On the 8th, father Mercier also started for
his mission of beaupre.

On the 1 5th, or thereabout, it was decided
that we should board gratis a Child at the
seminary, and each one for not more than one
year, that thus this Charity might be ex
tended to several. Joseph Dubuisson 13 was
named, the first of all Up to All Saints day
of 1660.

And the number of those who are supported
at the expense of the parish was increased by
two; thus there were 4, st. martin, morin,
Amador, and Veron or Poupau. 14

On the 2ist, father Albanel left to go and
winter at Tadousac, with Guillaume boivin
and francois pelletier on the one hand, and
Monsieur d Auteuil and two sailors on the

Father Druilletes.

Departure for

Montreal,

and
of father Aloes.

Return from
Tadousac.

Winter mission.

A boarder gratis at
the seminary.

Other boarders of
the parish.

Father albanel: his

departure for

Tadousac.

120 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

fait p r . voir si cela se doit continuer n ayant
encore lamais este" fait de la sorte; Guill.
boiuin estoit a nos fraits & non fr. pelletier
quoy que soubs n5e nom.
hyuer &* neige. le 26. ou 27. Commenca le froid & les

neiges de sort qu on pouuoit traisner.

botssondessauuages. En mesme temps i e . assemble chez Mons.

1 Euesque p r . resoudre le cas si vendre de la
boisson de vin ou eau de vie aux sauuages
estoit peche. le resultat aux Archiues.

le 30. a 1 ordinaire voeu de la Conception
renouuele".

DECEMBRE

St. Xauier le i. vespres de S l . Xauier. le lendemain

mons r . 1 Euesque dit vne basse messe sur les
7. heures en laquelle il donna la tonsure a
Germain morin, & les 4. mineurs au mesme
& a mons r . de bernieres. La Ceremonie fut
si longue que tout ce que Ton put faire fut de
dire La grande messe le sermon fut differe a
1 apres disnee apres le magnificat de Vespres.
Personne ne fut Inuite" au refectoire p r . disner
dont la raison principale est que d Inuiter
1 Euesque sans le Gouuerneur aut contra cela
feroit lalousie, & 1 vn ne veut pas quitter a
1 autre p r . le premier rang. L Indulgence
pleniere est assured, elle ne fut pas toutes fois
publie"e.

Le 4 & 5. 2 e . Assemble des cas; le 4. chez
nvf, le 5. chez Mons r . L Euesque.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

121

other. This is an experiment that we make
to see whether it is to be continued ; for this
has Never yet been done. Guillaume boivin
was at our expense, but not frangois pelletier,
although he was under our name.

On the 26th or 2/th, cold and snow
Commenced, so that sledges could be used.

At the same time, the ist meeting was held
at Monseigneur the Bishop s, to decide whether
it was a sin to sell liquors, either wine or
brandy, to the savages. The result is entered
in the Archives.

On the soth, the vow of the Conception was
renewed, as usual.

DECEMBER.

On the ist, the vespers of St. Xavier were
sung. On the following day, monseigneur
the Bishop said a low mass at about 7 o clock,
at which he gave the tonsure to Germain
morin, and the 4 minor orders to the same
and to monsieur de bernieres. 15 The Cere
mony was so long that all that could be done
was to say high mass. The sermon was put
off until after dinner, to follow the magnificat
at Vespers. No one was Invited to the
refectory for dinner; the principal reason for
this was that to Invite the Bishop without
the Governor, aut contra, would cause Jealousy,
and neither will yield the first place to the
other. Plenary Indulgence is assured ; never
theless, it was not published.

On the 4th and 5th, the 2nd Meeting was
held to decide the reserved cases on the 4th,

Winter and snow.

Liquor for the
savages.

St. Xavier.

122

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Conception le 6. leusne de la Conception qui estoit le

Lundy, point d abstinence de Vendredy.
Noel A Noel le dis 2. messes a minuit ou nos ff.

& les sauuages communierent, monseign. 1 E-
uesque dit en suite deux autres Messes & en
mesme temps le p. Chatelain ses trois messes
au petit Autel. le dis la 3 e sur les 7. h &
demie le p. piiart ensuite les trois siennes
& le p. Drliilletes ensuite les siennes comme-
gant a dix heures 1 experience fit voir que
c estoit assez de les commencer a dix heures
& demie plusieurs apres la grande messe
estant venus p r . entendre icy la messe & n en
trouuant plvf

La Colaon sonna a 6. heures le leuer a 1 1 h.
y 2 & le leuer du lendemain vne heure plvf
tard; le souper a 6. h. la fin de la recreaon a
7. h. & y 2 . le lendemain on sonna a 4. & on
n eueilla qu a 5.

A la paroisse p r . les Confessions il n y eut
que trois Confesseurs, Monseign. 1 Euesque le
p. Chatelain & le p. piiar, qui en eurent p r .
s occuper iustement iusques a laudes de la
paroisse. nvf assistasmes au Choeur le p
Dablon & moy a Matines iusques a ce qu on
nvf vint aduertir sur les 1 1 h. ^ p r . venir dire
la messe de minuit moy chez nvf & le p. Da
blon aux Vrsul e . ou il dit deux messes la nuit
& la 3 e sur les 9. heures : mons r . pelerin y dit
ses 3. messes sur les 7 heures Mons r de Charny

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

123

at our own house; on the 5th, at Monseigneur
The Bishop s.

On the 6th, the Fast of the Conception, which
was on Monday. No abstinence on Friday.

At Christmas, I said 2 midnight masses, at
which our brethren and the savages received
communion. Monseigneur the Bishop after
ward said two other Masses ; and, at the same
time, father Chatelain said his three masses
at the side Altar. I said the 3rd at half past
7, then father pijart said his three; and then
father Driiilletes said his, commencing at ten
o clock. Experience showed that it was
sufficient to commence them at half past ten ;
for, after high mass, several came to attend
mass here and found none.

The bell for Collation rang at 6 o clock.
The hour for rising was n*4 o clock; on the
following day it was an hour later. Supper
at 6 o clock; the end of the recreation at 7^
o clock. On the following day the bell rang
at 4, and we did not awake until 5.

At the parish church there were only three
Confessors to hear the Confessions Mon
seigneur the Bishop, father Chatelain, and
father pijar; they had enough to keep them
occupied until lauds in the parish church.
Father Dablon and I assisted in the Choir at
Matins, until we were called away at 1 1 ^
o clock, to come and say midnight mass, I
in our chapel, and father Dablon at the Ursu-
lines , where he said two masses in the night,
and the 3rd at about 9 o clock. Monsieur
pelerin said his 3 masses there at 7 o clock.

Conception.
Christmas.

124 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Contestep. I ordre
des Thurific&ons.

fut a 1 hospital la nuit & le p chaumonot le
lour, le p ragueneau a beauport le p. Mercier
a beaupre.

Le Diacre mons r . pelerin a la messe de
Minuit & a celle du lour ayant fait encenser
Mons r . le Gouuern r . par le thuriferaire au lieu
de 1 encenser luy mesme selon la Coustume (&
ce par 1 ordre de mons r . 1 Euesque) Mons r . le
gouuerneur s en resentit bien fort, de sorte
qu il vint a examiner ses droits & ayant trouue
que dans le Ceremonial des Euesques il y auoit
qu il deuoit estre encense Immediatement
apres 1 Euesque non seulem 1 . il pretendit estre
encense par le diacre a la messe mais aussy
par le prestre Assistant qui auoit encense" a
Vespres 1 Euesque & ce Immediatem 1 . apres
1 Euesque deuant les prestres du Chceur soit a
la messe soit a Vespres ; sur quoy y ayant eu
grande contestaon entre Mons r . 1 Euesque &
Mons r . le gouuerneur celuy cy se fondant sur
le texte du Ceremonial, 1 autre sur 1 vsage de
f ranee qu il disoit estre contraire, & sur tout
sur 1 vsage & la possession dans laquelle on
estoit de faire encenser les prestres du Chceur
auparauant le Gouuer. & ce depuis le Comme-
cemt. du seruice fait a 1 Eglise nouuelle nvf
Different accordd fusmes entremis p r . accorder le different qui

^ f ut & ^ maniere quil est ex plique dans vn

Acte qui en fut fait qui se retrouuera dans les
Archiues.

far n" Entremise.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

125

Monsieur de Charny went to the hospital at
night, and father chaumonot in the Daytime;
father ragueneau went to beauport, and father
Mercier to beaupr6.

The Deacon, monsieur pelerin, caused
Monsieur the Governor, at the Midnight mass
and at that celebrated in the Daytime, to be
incensed by the thurifer instead of incensing
him himself, according to Custom (and this by
order of monseigneur the Bishop). Monsieur
the governor resented this greatly, so much so,
that he proceeded to inquire about his rights.
Having found that, in the Ceremonial of
the Bishops, it was said that he was to be
incensed Immediately after the Bishop, he
claimed that he should be incensed not only
by the deacon at mass, but also by the Assist
ant priest who had incensed the Bishop at
Vespers and this Immediately after the
Bishop, before the priests in the Choir, both at
mass and at Vespers. Thereupon, a sharp dis
pute arose between Monseigneur the Bishop and
Monsieur the governor, the latter basing his
claim on the wording of the Ceremonial, and
the former on the usage in france, which, he
asserted, was contrary thereto, and especially
on the existing usage and right by virtue of
which the priests of the Choir were to be in
censed before the Governor, and this ever since
service had Commenced to be celebrated in the
new Church. We were called upon to settle
the difficulty, and we did so as set forth in a
Document which was drawn up for this pur
pose, which will be found in the Archives.

Dispute respecting

the order of the

Thurifications*

Difficulty settled

through our

Intervention.

126 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45
JANUIER. l66o.

Circocision. La Circocision vint vn leudy; vespres

Laveuille; le matin Mons. L Euesque dit la
premiere Messe chez nvf, & i alle dire
la grande Messe aux Vrsul es . II seroit sou-
haitable de menager ce lour la vne messe a
la fin de 1 oraison ou a 6. h. p r . nos ff. mais
cela ne se put cette annee a cause des menu-
siers qui desirerent vne grande Messe a la
paroisse de sorte qu il fallut fournir deux
lesuistes aux Vrsulines.

II n y eut point d autre solemnite ce lour la
le matin chez nvf si ce n est a 1 ordinaire
force Communions.

Nvf partismes sur les 6. h. le p Dablon &
moy p r . saluer Mons r , 1 Euesque; puis mons r .
le Gouuerneur ; nvf arriuasmes de trop bonne
heure au fort la porte n estoit pas encores
ouuerte, il nvf fallut attedre la quelque temps,
mais ie croy que ce fut p r . se disposer a faire
la salue qu ils firent, car le sergent ouurant
la porte fit le copliment tout entier de parole
& d effect tirant son pistolet, puis tous les
soldats en haye tirant leur coup; ie les re-
mercie sur le champ, leur disant que nvf ne
mentions pas cet honneur, & leur enuoye
chaqu vn vn Chapelet. peut estre sera t il
plvf a propos vne autre fois d envoyer voir
si la porte du fort est ouuerte. outre le
Chapelet vn pot d eau de vie & vne Liure de
petun.

1659 -60J JOURNAL DES PP. jSUITES 127

JANUARY, 1660.

The feast of the Circumcision fell on a Circumcision.
Thursday; Vespers were held The evening
before. In the morning, Monseigneur The
Bishop said the first Mass in our church, and
I went to sing high Mass at the Ursulines .
It would be desirable to have a mass on that
Day at the end of the orisons, or at 6 o clock,
for our brethren ; but this could not be done
this year because the joiners wished to have a
high Mass in the parish church, and therefore
two Jesuits had to be sent to the Ursulines .

There was no other celebration on that Day
in the morning at our church, except that, as
usual, there were a great many Communi
cants.

At 6 o clock, father Dablon and I went to
pay our respects to Monseigneur the Bishop,
and then to monsieur the Governor. We
arrived too early at the fort ; the gate was not
yet open, and we had to wait there for some
time. But I think this was in order that they
might prepare for the salute that they gave us.
For, when the sergeant opened the gate, he
paid us the full compliment both in word and
in action; he fired off his pistol, whereupon
all the soldiers, who were drawn up in file,
discharged their pieces. I thanked them on
the spot, telling them that we did not deserve
the honor; and I sent them each a Rosary.
Perhaps it would be more advisable, another
time, to send and learn whether the gate of the
fort is open. In addition to the Rosary, I
sent a pot of brandy, and a Livre of tobacco.

128 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Processions a

L? eg Use des les.

commences par

ordre de Me* de

Laval, mr Torcapel

etant curd.

Mons r . 1 Euesque n estant pas satisfait plei-
nem*. de ce que M r . Torcapel auoit fait le
Dimache d auparauant a la paroisse ann69ant
la feste de la Circocision voulut luy mesme
suppleer le iour de la Circocision & montant
en chaire, fit vn discours d vne demy-heure
sur la Circocision & le nom de lesvf , ou a la
fin ayant apostrophe S l . Ignace, il conclud
que p r . Inste reconnoissace des seruices que
1 espace de 30. ans nvf auions rendu a la
paroisse dont nvf auions eu le soin & la
conduite ; les vespres & le sermon ce lour la
ne se diroient a la paroisse, mais que proces-
sionellement on viendroit chez nvf les dire tvf

les ans, ce qui fut commenc6 cette annee, en
cette SQrte> 10 j our de Ja Circ5cision on sonna

les Vespres a la paroisse a L ordinaire des
autres festes, & on en sortit processionelle-
ment deuant deux heures; Mons r . 1 Euesque
demeura en bas, & le Cure auec le Clerge"
monta au Iub6 ou il dit les vespres en Chape
qui furent fort bien chant6es en musique on
luy auoit prepare la son siege tapisse auec vn
prie Dieu; le sermon se fit ensuite puis le
salut a Tissue duquel on retourna processio-
nellem 1 . a la paroisse. peu de monde accom-
pagna le Clerge a la procession. Mons r . le
Gouuern r . assista aux Vespres & sermon mais
non a la procession, nvf allasmes trois a la

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

129

Monseigneur the Bishop was not fully satis
fied with what Monsieur Torcapel 16 had done
on the previous Sunday at the parish church
in announcing the feast of the Circumcision,
and therefore wished to make up for it
himself on the feast of the Circumcision.
Ascending the pulpit, he preached, for half
an hour, a sermon on the Circumcision, and
on the name of Jesus. After apostrophizing
St. Ignatius, he concluded by saying that, in
Just acknowledgment of the services that we
had rendered for 30 years at the parish
church, of which we had had the charge and
direction, vespers would not be said or the
sermon preached on that Day in the parish
church, but that the faithful should come in
procession to our church for that purpose,
every year; and this was commenced this
year, as follows. On the Day of the Circum
cision, the bell rang for Vespers in the parish
church, as usual on the other festivals; and Torcafel being c ure".
the congregation issued forth from it in pro
cession before two o clock. Monseigneur the
Bishop remained below, while the Cur6, with
the Clergy, went up into the Rood-loft, where
he sang vespers in Cope ; they were very well
chanted, with a musical accompaniment. We
had placed there for him a seat covered with
tapestry, with a prie-Dieu. The sermon was
then preached, and benediction of the Blessed
Sacrament followed, at the conclusion of which
they returned in procession to the parish
church. But few people accompanied the
Clergy in the procession. Monsieur the

Processions to The

Jesuits church

commenced by order

of Monseigneur de

Laval, monsieur

130 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

porte p r . y receuoir la procession a 1 entree &
an sortir.

Mons r . le Gouuerneur alia saluer M r . 1 E
uesque a Tissue de la grande Messe auec vne
dousaine d habitans, puis auec les mesmes
vint chez nous. Mons r . 1 Euesque y vint le
soir apres la procession.

Epiphanie. Le lour des roys il y eut si peu de monde a

la premiere Messe que ie doute fort s il falloit
faire ce lour-la le petit sermon, ce fut le p.
piiart qui le fit a ma place ayant este" Inuite ce
lour La de dire la grande messe a la paroisse,
ou L encensement se fit a 1 offertoire de
deux coups a 1 officiant i & puis de trois a
1 Euesque.

les soldats faisant le pain beny ce lour la,
firent retenir les tambours & flutes, & vinrent
de la sorte a 1 offrade, & s en retournerent de
la sorte a la fin de la messe ; ce qui choqua
puissament Mons r . 1 Euesque auquel toutesfois
ayant porte vn chanteau, il leur enuoya 2.
pots d eau de vie & 2 liures de petun.

Terres de beauport. Enuiron ce temps se fit Consulte extraordi
naire ; pour aduiser si on donneroit des Con
cessions au dessvf des terres de n re ferme de
beauport, c est a dire par dela 20. arpens de
Concessions. profondeur sur 7. de large; 7. personnes se
presenterent p r . y habiter & omnib. expensis
la plvf part conclut a leur accorder toutesfois
on se contenta d en accorder au dessvf des

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

131

Governor was present at Vespers and at the
sermon, but was not in the procession.
Three of us went to the door, to receive the
procession as it entered and as it left.

Monsieur the Governor went to pay his
respects to Monseigneur the Bishop at the
conclusion of high Mass, with a dozen of the
habitans ; then he came to our house with the
same persons. Monseigneur the Bishop came
in the evening, after the procession.

On Epiphany, there were so few people at Epiphany.

the first Mass that I greatly doubt whether it
was necessary to preach the short sermon on
that Day. Father pijart preached it in my
place, for on that Day I was invited to sing
high mass in the parish church. There The
incensing was done at the offertory by swing
ing the censer, in the ist place, twice toward
the officiating priest and then three times
toward the Bishop.

As the soldiers provided the blessed bread
on that Day, they played the drums and fifes,
and thus they marched to the offering,
returning in the same manner at the end of
mass. This greatly offended Monseigneur the
Bishop; however, they carried a loaf to him,
and he sent them 2 pots of brandy and 2
livres of tobacco.

About that time, a special Consultation was Beauport land
held to decide whether any Concessions should
be given on the lands of our farm at beauport,
which is over 20 arpents in depth and 7 in
width. 7 persons presented themselves to Concessions.
settle there, and, omnibus expensis, the majori-

132

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Voi.. 45

concessions voisines & non pas au dessvf de
n re ferme, d autant que depuis n re desert
iusques a la sapiniere il n y restoit plvf que
6. Arpens de bois, qu il falloit conseruer p r .
les fermiers.

Mission de beauport. le p. Mercier estant retourne de sa mission

de beaupre le 8. de lanuier, y retourna le 22.
& Mons r . 1 Euesque s y en alia le 23. auec
Mons r . de bernier, boquet, & durand valet du
dit S r . Euesque.
Disner chez M . le 26. on alia disner chez M r . Giffar 4. pp.

giff ar - & 4. ff.

riuiere prise. le 27. le p. ragueneau alia en mission a la

pointe de leui, la riuiere estant prise deuant
QuebeK des le 2O e . ou enuiron.

FEBURIER

purificaon. A la purificaon La benediction des Cierges

se fit chez nvf moy distribuant ie dis le lumen
& Nunc dimittis nullo alio respondente; on
tint vn Cierge tout prest p r . M r . le gouu r . sem-
blableaumien en cas qu il se presentast, mais
ne s estant pas presente, ie le luy enuoye a la
fin de la benediction par vn des seruans en
surplis tout esteint, & on luy porta de la
lumiere a 1 Euangile & a 1 Eleuaon p r . 1 allu-
mer, & 1 ayant Laisse a la fin de la messe sur
1 Autel de la Chapelle ie le luy enuoye sur le
midy & il le regeut volontiers.

le 6. Consulte g nale pour aduiser de 1 heure
du disner & de la Collaon en Caresme ; p r . le

1659-60] JOURNAL DBS PP. J&SUITES

133

ty concluded to make the grants. However,
they contented themselves with granting
some on the neighboring concessions, and not
on our farm, especially as between our clear
ing and the fir-grove there remained only 6
Arpents of woodland, which had to be kept
for the farmers.

Father Mercier returned from his mission
of beaupre on the 8th of January. He went
back on the 22nd, and Monseigneur the
Bishop proceeded thither on the 23rd, with
Monsieur de bernier, boquet, and durand, the
valet of Monseigneur the Bishop.

On the 26th, we went to dine with Mon
sieur Giffar, 4 fathers and 4 brethren.

On the 2 ;th, father ragueneau went on a mis
sion to point de levi, the river having frozen
before Quebek on the 2Oth, or thereabout.

FEBRUARY.

On the purification, The blessing of the
Candles was performed in our church. I
distributed them, and sang the lumen and the
Nunc dimittis, nullo alio respondent*. A Candle
similar to mine was kept in readiness for Mon
sieur the governor, in case he presented him
self ; but he did not come. I therefore sent it,
unlighted, to him after the ceremony of the
blessing, by one of the acolytes in a surplice ;
and a light was brought to him at the Gospel
and at the Elevation with which to light it.
As he Left it at the end of mass on the Altar
of the Chapel, I sent it to him about noon, and
he received it willingly.

Beauport Mission.

Dinner at Monsieur
giffar s.

River frozen.

Purification.

134 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vot. 45

Oratson de 40 h.

au Carnaual

Consults pr. Le disner f ut dit qti on ne changeroit point 1 heure
Caresme pr 1 heure ordinaire de IT . h< & vn quart> cela estant
au dtsner &*= Colaon.

fonde sur les autheurs & sur priuilege: p r .

la Collaon, qu au lieu de 6.^. qui estoit
1 heure qu elle se faisoit par le passe, elle se
fairoit doresnauant a 7. heures p r . se con-
former de plvf pres a la Coustume de france
& a 1 esprit de 1 Eglise & de la Comp ie . de
considerer ce temps-la coe vn temps de peni
tence.

Le 8. commenga 1 oraison de 40. h. a 1 ordi-
naire de noe Comp ie . le S*. Sacrem*. expose a
4.^2. reserr6 a 7. h. du soir le Dimache, & le
lundy ; & le mardy apres le salut de 4. h : les
matinees il n y eut point autre solemnite que
les messes continuees depuis les 5. h.}^
iusques a n. h. ; & le soir les saluts, le
dimache apres les Vespres & le lundy, & le
mardy a 4. h. precisement, aux saluts il y eut
exhortaon d enuiron vn quart d heure. Mons r .
1 Euesque officia au salut le Dimache & le
Mardy, & le Lundy Mons r . de Charny. Le
Dimache au salut, on ne chanta que le pange
Lingua deuant la benedictio a cause qu on
sortoit de vespres ; & les deux autres lours on
chanta en outre le Lundy le miserere, & le
Mardy 1 Exaudiat, apres quoy se fit le petit
sermon, a la fin duquel vint 1 officiant au
milieu de 1 Autel p r . encenser pendant quoy
on chanta 1 Ecce panis apres quoy se dirent

Pettts sermons du
carnaval.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

135

On the 6th, a general Consultation was held,
to decide about the hour for dinner and Colla
tion in Lent. As regards the dinner, it was
resolved not to change the usual hour, a
quarter past n, as this was founded on the
authors and on privilege. As to the Collation,
it was decided that, instead of having it at
6*^ o clock as in the past, it should in future
be at 7 o clock, in order to conform more
closely to the Custom in france, and to the
spirit of the Church and of the Society, of
considering that time as one of penance.

On the 8th, the 40 hours devotion com
menced. As is usual in our Society, the
Blessed Sacrament was exposed at 4^ o clock,
and replaced in the tabernacle at 7 o clock
on Sunday and monday evening; and on
tuesday, after the benediction at 4 o clock.
Each morning, there was no other celebration
than the masses, which were continued from
5^ until 1 1 o clock; and in the evening there
was benediction on Sunday after Vespers, and
on monday and tuesday at 4 o clock precisely.
At the benedictions there was an exhortation,
lasting about a quarter of an hour. Monsei-
gneur the Bishop officiated at benediction on
Sunday and Tuesday; and on Monday, Mon
sieur de Charny. On Sunday, at benediction,
only the pange Lingua was chanted before the
blessing, because vespers were just over.
On the two other Days, we also chanted the
miserere on Monday and the Exaudiat on Tues
day ; then the short sermon was preached, at

Consultation

respecting Lent, the

dinner hour, and the

Collation.

40 hours Devotion

during the
Carnival.

Short sermons

the end of which the officiating priest came during the carnival.

136

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

lour des Cendres.

Caresme

hyuer rude.

Confirmaon.

ordres.

M. de bern. ptre

les oraisons, puis la benediction se donna.

le lour des Cendres, elles se benirent a
1 Autel deuant la premiere Messe qui fut dite
a 1 ordinaire des festes, & pensoit-on qu il y
dut auoir du monde a 1 ordinaire p r . y pres-
cher, mais ne s y estant trouue que fort peu
de mode on n y prescha point, & il sera plvf
a propos de benir doresnauant a la sacristie
selon le Coutumier deuant la premiere messe
coe on fait 1 eau beniste.

A la paroisse il y eut vn monde raisonable
a la grande messe, qui eut bien merite vne
petite exhortaon sur la Ceremonie.

On publia partout la permission de manger
des oeuf s pour cette annee ; on ne parla point
du fromage, on en supposa la permission
comme du beurre.

le p. Chatelain prescha les Vendr. a 1 hos
pital; moy Hier. Lalemant aux Vrsul es . des
mercredis ; le p. Dablon a la paroisse les festes
& Dimaches.

1 hyuer fut fort rude & facheux iufques a
la S 1 . mathias qu il commenga a s adoucir &
degeler.

Ce mesme lour de S 1 . Mathias Monseign r .
1 Euesque donna la Confirmaon a Quebek p r .
la 2 e . fois : Mons r . de bernieres aux 4. temps
prit 1 ordre de Diacre en n re Eglise, & la
prestrise a la paroisse le veuille du Dimache
de la passion.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

137

to the middle of the Altar to incense while
the Ecce panis was chanted. After that, the
orisons were said and the benediction given.

On Ash Wednesday, the ashes were blessed
at the Altar before the first Mass, which was
said as usual on festivals. We thought that
there would be a sufficient number of persons
present, as usual, to preach a sermon to them.
But as very few were there, no sermon was
preached. It will be more advisable in future
to bless them, according to Custom, in the
sacristy before the first mass, as is done in the
case of holy water.

At the parish church there was a fair at
tendance of people at high mass, who would
have well deserved a short exhortation on the
Ceremony.

Permission to eat eggs for this year was
published everywhere. Cheese was not spok
en of; permission to eat it was taken for
granted, as in the case of butter.

Father Chatelain preached on Fridays at
the hospital; I, Hierosme Lalemant, at the
Ursulines on Wednesdays; father Dablon, at
the parish church on festivals and Sundays.

The winter was very severe and unpleasant
up to the feast of St. mathias, when it com
menced to grow milder and to thaw.

On this same Day, the feast of St. Mathias,
Monseigneur the Bishop administered Confir
mation at Quebek for the 2nd time. During
the ember-days, the order of Deacon was
conferred on Monsieur de bernieres in our
Church, and that of the priesthood at the parish
church, on the vigil of passion Sunday.

Ash Wednesday.

Lent.

Severe winter.

Confirmation.

Orders.

Monsieur de
bernieres, priest.

138 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

pens. renvoUes de
L hopital.

S*. loseph.

j. Ind. de Msgr de
Petree

MARS.

En ce temps mons r . 1 Euesque fit sa visite
a 1 hospital, d oii les pensionaires qui n es-
toient que deux furent renuoyees.

le 19. lour de S 1 Joseph, se dit icy la messe
a 1 ordinaire a 6. h. ou 5. h. y 2 . sans exhor-
taon a raison de la premiere Messe que deb-
uoit dire Mons r . de bernieres aux Vrsul es . qui
en effect la dit a 7. h. mons r . de Charny 1 assis-
tant, on y alia Confesser & il y eut vne tres
grande quantite de Communions le p. Dablon
y dit ensuite la messe, & moy la grande Messe
ensuite ou le p Dablon & le P Chaumonot
me seruirent de Diacre & sousdiacre: le p.
Chastelain & mons r . 1 Euesque y auoient dit
le messe deuant mons r . de bernieres; il y eut
Indulg. pleniere appliquee par Monseign r .
1 Euesque de 3. qu il auoit pouuoir d appliquer
outre autres trois auec oraison de 40. heures :
le sermon solemnel fut fait a la paroisse
1 apres disnde, & celuy des Vrsul es . en mesme
temps sans solemnite a leur grille ; le salut
ensuite solemnel y fut fait par mons. de ber
nieres, & la musique en la maniere qui suit
le S*. Sacrem*. y estant expos : on commenja
en musique par le pange lingua apres quoy
immediatem 1 . les religieuses chanterent vn
motet Court du S 1 . Sacrem 1 . ensuite la mu
sique recommenca 1 iste Confessor apres quoy
immediatem 1 . les religieuses chanterent vn
motet du S l apres quoy la musique reprit le

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 139

St. Joseph.

MARCH.

At this time, monseigneur the Bishop Boarders sent away
visited the hospital, whence the boarders, of f rom The hospital.
whom there were only two, were sent away.

On the i gth, the Feast of St. Joseph, mass
was said here as usual at 6 or 5^ o clock,
without any exhortation, because Monsieur
de bernieres was to say his first Mass at the
Ursulines . In fact, he said it at 7 o clock,
monsieur de Charny assisting him. We went
thither to hear Confessions, and there were
a great many Communicants. After this, Fa
ther Dablon said mass there ; and then I sang
high Mass, at which father Dablon and Father
Chaumonot assisted me as Deacon and sub-
deacon. Father Chastelain and monseigneur
the Bishop had said mass there before mon
sieur de bernieres. A plenary Indulgence
was applied by Monseigneur the Bishop, out
of 3 which he had the power to apply, beside
three others connected with the 40 hours
devotion. The solemn sermon was preached
at the parish church after dinner, and that of
the Ursulines at the same time, without any
celebration at their grating. Then the solemn
benediction was held by monsieur de ber
nieres, with music as follows, while the
Blessed Sacrament was exposed. The music
began with \k&pange lingua, immediately after
which the nuns sang a Short motet of the
Blessed Sacrament; then the music began
again with the iste Confessor, immediately after
which the nuns sang a motet of the Saint ;
then the music recommenced with the Domine

3 Indulgences by

Monseigneur of

Petrcea.

140 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

D ne Saluu fac rege a la suite duquel Mons r .
de bernieres officiant dit le verset & les 3.
oraisons correspondantes; apres quoy les reli-
gieuses deuoient chanter quelque chose pen
dant 1 encensem 1 . & la benediction, ce qu elles
ne firent pas p r . n en auoir este suffisament
aduerties. le tout fut Conclu par vn Laudate
dominu chante par la musique : on en fut fort
satisfait, & la chose parut belle & deuote toute
1 Eglise, estoit remplie. on manque de
mettre au dessvf de la porte 1 escriteau In-
dulg. plen.

Pasquefleurie. le 21. lour des rameaux a 5. h. 3. quarts la

messe icy, ou la messe fut dite a 1 ordinaire
de n re Comp ie . auec la benediction des rameaux
& vn petit mot d Instruction; le p Druilletes
me vint presenter le rameau, & ie luy en
donne deux vn p r . luy & vn p r . Mons r . le
Gouuerneur a qui il le porta, le sermon a la
paroisse I apres-disn6e.

leudy St. le 25. leudy S 1 . La messe a pareille heure,

qui fut seule a la maison ou Communierent tvf
nos P. & ff. au nombre de 6. tant PP. que ff.
a Tissue la procession a 1 entour de 1 Eglise
a laquelle assista Mons r . le gouuern r . auquel
on presenta vn cierge, & a quelques autres
de sa maison, le p. Chaumonot portoit La
Croix, deux Encensoirs & le p. Dablon coe
prestre assistant. Mons r . de Charny dit la
messe du matin al hospital, & M r . pelerin aux
Vrsul es .

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 141

Salvum fac regem, following which Monsieur
de bernieres, the officiating priest, chanted
the versicle and the 3 corresponding orisons ;
after that the nuns were to have sung some
thing during the incensing and benediction,
but they did not do so because they were not
notified in time. The whole Concluded with
the Laudate dominutn, sung with musical ac
companiment. Great satisfaction was felt,
and the ceremony appeared elevated and de
vout. The entire Church was filled. They
forgot to put the inscription " plenary Indul
gence " over the door.

On the 2ist, palm Sunday, mass was said
here at a quarter to 6 o clock. It was said
as usual with our Society, with the blessing
of the palms and a short Instruction. Father
Druilletes came and presented the palm to
me, and I gave him two, one for himself,
and the other for Monsieur the Governor, to
whom he carried it. The sermon was preached
at the parish church after dinner.

On the 25th, Holy Thursday, mass was
said at the same hour. It was the only one
said at our house, and at this mass our Fathers
and brethren, 6 in all, received Communion.
After mass there was a procession around the
Church ; Monsieur the governor took part in
it, to whom we presented a candle, as well as
to some others of his household. Father
Chaumonot carried The Cross; then came
two Censers, and father Dablon as assistant
priest. Monsieur de Charny said mass in

Palm Sunday.

Holy Thursday.

142 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Lts SS. huilespr La A la paroisse f urent faites a la grande messe

les ss. huiles, cela alia assez bien i y fis office
d Archid. mais il y eut bien de la peine p r . la
mixtion du baume auec les ss. huiles; il y
auoit outre le Celebrant, prestre Assistant
Diacre & soubsdiacre, 4. autres prestres in
habitu, & moy qui faisois le 5. & qui pris la
Chasuble quand il fallut faire la halaiso, Le
reste du temps ayant este en Aube & Estole,
i arriue en cet estat au Choeur auec les flam
beaux de 1 Eleuaon; les 4. autres prestres
estant entres auec I ofrlciant.

Jeudy St. La procession se fit apres La Consecraon des

huiles p r . reconduire par le plvf long les St.
huiles a la sacristie elle ne se fit qu a 1 entour
du Chceur.

La procession du S l . Sacrement fut mal dis-
posee a faute de M r . des Ceremonies, s il n y
en a point il faut que le Diacre qui va le der
nier supplee, faisant marcher ceux qui vont
deuant a leur rang ; de sorte que La Crosse &
la mitre alloient derriere debuant aller deuant
&c. Mons r . 1 Euesque fit aussy plusieurs
fautes: au commencem*. il entonna le pange
lingua estant encore a genoux, sur le bas degre,
au lieu de monter sur le plvf haut auparauant
que de 1 entonner s il le vouloit entonner, &
puis descendre seulem 1 . quand il seroit temps
de marcher a son rang, ne donnant pas le loi-
sir de s y mettre : de plvf arriu6 qu il fut au
reposoir au lieu de se tenir sur le premier

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 143

the morning at the hospital, and Monsieur
pelerin at the Ursulines .

At the parish church, the ceremony of bless- The Holy oils blessed
ing the holy oils was performed. All passed f or The ist time.
quite well. I officiated as Archdeacon, but
considerable trouble was experienced in mix
ing the balm with the holy oils. In addition
to the Officiating priest, the priest acting as
Assistant, the Deacon, and the subdeacon,
there were 4 other priests in habitu, myself
being the 5th. I took the Chasuble, when
the time came for breathing on the oils.
During The remainder of the time I wore the
Alb and Stole, and in that guise I arrived in
the Choir with the flambeaux of the Eleva
tion, the 4 other priests having entered it with
the officiating priest.

After The Consecration of the oils, the Holy Thursday.
procession was formed, to take the Holy oils
to the sacristy by the longest way. It merely
went around the Choir.

The procession of the Blessed Sacrament
was badly arranged for want of a Master of
Ceremonies. If there be none, the Deacon
who marches last must perform the duty,
making those who go before walk in rank.
Thus, The Crozier and the miter went behind
when they should have gone in front, etc.
Monseigneur the Bishop also made several
mistakes. At the beginning, he intoned the
pange lingua while still on his knees on the
lowest step, instead of ascending to the high
est before intoning it, if he wished to intone
it at all, and then descending only when it

144 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 45

Lavement des pieds.

Vendr. St.

degre* il monta & se tourna vers le peuple p r .
donner le S 1 . Sacrem*. au Diacre.

Le Lauement des pieds se fit en suite a
1 hospital oil tout alia bien; II n y a en 1 vn
& en 1 autre qu a garder exactement ce qui
est escrit ; dans les Liures. on oublia toutes-
fois de donner La benediction au commen-
cem*. du repas. le s^bsdiacre le pie, le diacre
les linges, le prestre ass. donnoit les bassins,
ie retirois ceux qui auoient serui, les Acolytes
les portoient.

le salut se fit icy a Tissue des Tenebres,
comme on ne sonne point pour cela, ie ne m y
trouue pas assez a temps cela fit vn peu atten-
dre ; on auoit prepar6 deux Coussins proche
du balustre du reposoir vn p r . M r . 1 Euesque
L autre p r . Mons r . le gouuern r . Mons r le
Gouuerneur y estant venu le premier &
s estant mis a genoux proche de celuy de
M r . 1 Euesque sans prendre garde au sien
lugea plvf a propos de s en aller tout a fait
que de changer de place & se retirer ou estoit
le sien; Vne autrefois il faut niettre le
Carreau de 1 Euesque dans le sanctuaire du
reposoir.

le Vendredy a 7. h. la passion a la paroisse;
a dix heures vn quart deuant le seruice ceans
qui y fut fort mal fait, le p. Dablon qui auoit
present la passion n ayant eu le loisir de se
preparer ne preparer les autres de sorte que
le sacristain reprit la Croix & 1 apporta sur

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 145

would be time to walk in his proper place in
rank ; thus he did not give himself leisure to
get there. Moreover, when he reached the re
pository, instead of standing on the first step,
he ascended and turned toward the people to
give the Blessed Sacrament to the Deacon.

The Washing of the feet was afterward per- Washing of the feet.
formed at the hospital, where all went well.
In both cases, the only thing to be done is
strictly to observe what is written in the
Books. Nevertheless, The blessing at the
beginning of the meal was forgotten. The
subdeacon washed the feet, the deacon held
the towels, the assistant priest gave the
basins, and I withdrew those that had been
used; the Acolytes carried them.

Benediction took place here as soon as the
Tenebrce were Over. As no bell is rung for
this, I was not there in time, and caused some
delay. Two Cushions had been placed near
the railing of the repository, one for Monsei-
gneur the Bishop, and The other for Mon
sieur the governor. Monsieur the Governor
came first, and knelt near that of Monsei-
gneur the Bishop, without heeding his own ;
he Deemed it more advisable to go away
altogether than to change his position, and
take his place where his own was put. An
other time, the Bishop s Hassock will have to
be placed in the sanctuary of the repository.

On Friday, at 7 o clock, the passion was Good Friday.
preached at the parish church. At a quarter
to ten, we had the service here, which was
very badly performed. Father Dablon, who

146

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Voi,. 45

Samedy

Messes prtvees Le
Samedi Saint

Pasque.

1 Autel ; il n y eut aucun luminaire a la proces
sion ny ensuite la plvf part de nos ff. & pp. &
il y faut pouruoir par ailleurs que par celuy
qui doit prescher.

Le Samedy S*. le sendee a 9. h. c est assez
tost ; le fis f aute a la benediction du feu en ce
que ie ne donne ny eau beniste ny encens.

II falloit doubler les litanies ce qui ne fut
pas fait.

le reste alia passablement auec deux ff.
& 3. peres: le p. Chaumonot portoit La
Croix.

Ie donne Conge G nal de dire la messe priua-
tim, il vaut mieux ne le donner qu a ceux qui
le desireront & le demanderont expressement ;
& qu il n y aye qu vne Messe publique. Mon-
seign r . 1 Euesque la vint dire icy entre six &
7. il douta s il la debuoit dire lanuis clausis,
mais il La dit publiquement, & a sa Messe
communierent quelques personnes qu il auoit
dispensees.

le soir se fit icy vn salut solemnel.

le Dimache de pasque il y eut 4. messes a
la paroisse; ceans 3. de suite le matin, le p.
Dablon [la] dit a I hospital, & le P Chatelain
aux Vrsul es . sur les 4. ^ . Les saluts se firent
a la paroisse: il y eut difficulte pr. le pain
benit que donnoit Mons r . le Gouuern r . le pre-
tendant presenter a L ordinaire auec Tambours
etc Mons r . 1 Euesque ne le voulant souffrir;
La chose fut accordee de la sorte que le pain

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

147

had preached the passion, had no time to pre
pare either himself or the others, so that the
sacristan took up the Cross and carried it to
the Altar. There were no lights in the pro
cession, and, later on, most of our fathers and
brethren were missing. In future, this must
be looked after by some other person than he
who is to preach.

On Holy Saturday, the service was held at
9 o clock; this is early enough. I made a
mistake at the blessing of the fire ; for I gave
neither holy water nor incense.

The litanies should have been repeated,
which was not done.

The remainder went off passably, with two
brethren and 3 fathers. Father Chaumonot
carried The Cross.

I gave a General Permission to say mass
privatim. It is better to give it only to those
who may desire it, and who may ask for it ex
pressly, and to say but one public Mass. Mon-
seigneur the Bishop came and said it here, be
tween six and 7. He had some doubt whether
he should say it Januis clausis; but he said It
publicly, and at his Mass some to whom he
had given a dispensation received communion.

In the evening, there was solemn benedic
tion here.

On easter Sunday, 4 masses were said at
the parish church; in our house, 3 were said
in succession in the morning. Father Dablon
said one at the hospital, and Father Chate-
lain at the Ursulines . At 4^ o clock, bene
dictions took place at the parish church.

Holy Saturday.

Private masses on
Holy Saturday.

Easter.

148

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

Premiere

Communion des

Enfans,

i. Marc.

P. Albanel
Tadousac

mariage de pelletier

avec vne
sauuagesse

Trots rfu.

benit seroit porte deuant le seruice, & reporte"
apres affin que le seruice ne fut point
interrompu.

Le Lundy se fit La i e . Communion des
Enfans au nombre d vn 4O e . S y trouuerent
toutesfois quantite d autres au desieuner qui
auoient este" communies l anne"e d auparauant,
se fut mons r . 1 Euesque qui le voulut faire, &
le faire chez Luy. 1 on eut icy de pensionaire
extraordinaire gratis 7. ou 8. d extraordin.
pendant le Caresme, & Mons r . 1 Euesque mit
aux Vrsul es . vne 2O e . de petites filles pendant
le mesme temps. Mons r . 1 Euesque leur dit
vne petite Messe a la Paroisse.

[AURIL.]

A la S*. Marc on ne dit point icy les Lita
nies des saincts a la petite messe; & il n est
pas necessaire non plvf qu aux petites messes
des paroisses.

La veuille arriua de Tadousac le p. Albanel
qui deuant son depart de Tadousac auoit ma
rie" vn frangois nomm6 frangois pelletier auec
vne sauuagesse Xstienne sans publicaon de
bans ; ny aduis donn6 par dega aux parens, ny
a mons r . 1 Euesque ny mons r . le Gouuerneur,
ce qui fit beaucoup de bruit.

En mesme temps arriua des 3. riu. le sieur
boucher dans n re Chaloupe chargee de 190.
minots de ble p r nvf, ce qui donna le moyen
a bien du monde de semer, & de viure, la
disette de ble estant presque extreme, le ble

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

149

There was a difficulty about the blessed bread.
It was given by Monsieur the Governor, who
wished to present it as usual, with Drums
beating, etc., and this Monseigneur the Bishop
would not permit. It was arranged that the
blessed bread should be brought to the church
before the service and carried away afterward,
in order that the service might not be inter
rupted.

On Monday, the Children, to the number First Communion of
of 40, made Their i st Communion. However, the Children.
there were a number of others at breakfast,
who had received communion the year before.
Monseigneur the Bishop chose to give the
breakfast, and that at His own dwelling. We
had here 7 or 8 other boarders gratis, during
Lent ; and Monseigneur the Bishop placed in
the Ursulines house about 20 little girls during
the same period. Monseigneur the Bishop
said a low Mass for them in the Parish church.

APRIL.

On St. Mark s day, we did not say the Litany
of the saints at low mass ; neither is it neces
sary, except at low masses in parish churches.

On the eve of the feast, father Albanel
arrived from Tadousac. Before leaving Ta-
dousac, he had married a frenchman named
frangois pelletier 17 to a Christian savage woman
without publishing any banns and without giv
ing notice of it to the relatives, or to monsei-
gneur the Bishop, or monsieur the Governor;
this caused a great sensation.

At the same time, sieur boucher arrived

St. Mark.

Father Albanel
Tadousac.

Marriage of
pelletier with a
savage woman.

donnt a das prix.

P. Dr&illettcs

p. Druilletes aux
j. riu.

Montreal.

beaupre
p. Merrier.

rend oure donnt
retracte so. parole -

rogations.

centre
Les traiteurs d eau
de vze

prtsonnier
nouuelles de I armee.

150 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 45

estant p r . cela rehausse de prix, nvf ne vou-
lusmes point profiler de la misere du pays, &
nvf nvf contentasmes du prix ordinaire du
passe scauoir: 5ft. quoy que pour lors il se
vendit 6. 7. & 8ft.

Le 27. partit le p. Druilletes auec les sau-
uages guerriers venus de Tadousac, p r . aller
auec eux iusques aux 3. riu. p r . la y instruire
les poissons blancs &c.

le mesme lour partit Eustache Lambert p r .
Montreal dans son vaisseau estoit Mons r .
Dalet entr autres qui auoit este tout 1 hyuer
malade a 1 hospital.

le p. Mercier estant reuenu de sa mission
de beaupre le 6. d Auril, y retourna le 26.

rene oure qui s estoit donne a nvf allant a
Onontae, il y a 3. ans ou enuiron, voulut
rompre son contract, ce qui luy fut accorde le
28. Auril.

1660. MAY.

Aux rogations on vint ceans le Mercredy,
& on chanta la messe du De profundis en
musique; le mardy a 1 hosp. le M. aux
Vrsul e .

le 6 e . lour de 1 Ascension se fit la publicaon
de l Excomun aon contre les boissons enyurantes
donnees aux sauuages, le i 5. retournerent les
guerriers de Tadousac qui auoient surpris vn
Canot d yroquois, dont trois estoient demeu-
re"s sur le lieu, vn fait prisonier dont on apprit
les nouuelles de I armee de 9. ou 12. cent

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

151

from 3 rivers in our Shallop, which was
freighted with 190 minots of wheat for us;
this gave many people an opportunity of sow
ing seed, and securing means of subsistence.
The scarcity of wheat was almost excessive,
and on that account its price had risen ; but
we were not willing to take advantage of the
distress of the country, and contented our
selves with the price usually paid in the
past, namely, 5 livres, although at that
time it sold for 6, 7, or 8 livres.

On the 27th, father Druilletes departed with
the savage warriors who had come from
Tadousac, to go with them to 3 rivers for
the purpose of giving instruction there to
the poissons blancs, etc.

On the same Day, Eustache Lambert started
for Montreal. In his vessel, among others,
was Monsieur Dalet, who had been ill during
the whole winter at the hospital.

Father Mercier, who had returned from his
mission of beaupr6 on the 6th of April, went
back thither on the 26th.

Rene" oure who had given himself to us
when he went to Onontae 3 years ago, or
thereabout wished to break his contract;
this he was allowed to do on the 28th of April.

1660, MAY.

On the rogation days they came here on
Wednesday, and the mass of the Deprofundis
was chanted with musical accompaniment ; on
tuesday at the hospital, on Wednesday at the
Ursulines .

Three rivers; wheat

given at a low price.

Father Druillettes.

Father Druilletes at
j rivers.

Montreal.

Beaupre .
Father Mercier.

Rene oure, a donnt,

withdraws his

Promise.

Rogation days.

152 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

ennemys qui s amassoient a la roche fen-
due ; ce prisonier estant blesse & ne potmant
estre conduit en vie a Tadousac fut brusle icy
le 18.

retraite au soir des le Mercredy 19. au soir commencerent

Moniales chez nous. -, -, . . . .,

les religieuses a venir icy coucher: les vrsu-

lines a la Congreg on . & les Hospital, a la menu-
serie & ce p r . la crainte des Ennemys leur
maison n estant pas en estat de defense.
Ite le S t . Sacrement de la paroisse & de leur
maison.

le 26. les Vrsul es . cesserent d y venir.
feste Dieu le lour de la f este Dieu on en fit point de

tooint de -procession. j 1 r^f

procession a cause du mauuais temps le S 4 .
Sacrem 1 . fut ce lour la expose a la paroisse
& point chez nvf, mais a Tissue de vespres
de la paroisse il y fut apporte & le salut chante
chez nvf, ou le S 1 . Sacrem 4 . fut de rechef
laisse"; & le long de 1 octaue expose chez nvf
vniquem 1 . le matin pendant les messes, &
referre" a la derniere, & le salut sur les 7. h.
du soir.

Le Dimache dans 1 octaue se fit la grande
procession, on alia a la basse ville, reposoir au
Magasin, puis on remonta au fort ou il y auoit
pareillem 1 . reposoir, dela on n alla point aux
Vrsul es . mais trenchant vis a vis de M. du-
quet on alia passer deuant le logis de mons r .
1 Euesque puis a n re Eglise, ou se fit le salut,
& la procession se termina a la paroisse d ou
on estoit parti; & puis sur le soir r apport6 a

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JES UITES 153

On the 6th, Ascension Day, the Excommu- Excommunication

nication was published against those who give against dealers in

. . , ., brandy.

intoxicating liquors to the savages. On the

ijth, the Tadousac warriors returned; they

had surprised a Canoe manned by yroquois,

of whom they had killed three on the spot,

and had made one prisoner. From him they Prisoner;

obtained news of the army of 9 or 12 hundred news f the arm y-

enemies, who were gathering together at the

split rock. This prisoner, who was wounded

and could not be taken to Tadousac alive, was

burned here on the i8th.

On Wednesday the iQth, in the evening, In the evening, the
the nuns began to come here to sleep the Cloistered nuns

.. . i_ 11 r J/L /<i - 3 retreat to our house.

ursulines in the hall of the Congregation, and

the Hospital nuns in the joiners shop. They
did so through fear of the Enemies, as their
house was not in a state of defense. Item,
the Blessed Sacrament of the parish church
and of their house.

On the 26th, the Ursulines ceased to come.

On Corpus Christi there was no procession, Corpus Christi;
on account of bad weather. On that Day, the no procession.
Blessed Sacrament was exposed at the parish
church and not at ours ; but, after vespers in
the parish church, it was borne hither, and bene
diction was chanted in our church, where the
Blessed Sacrament was again left. Through
out the octave, it was exposed in our church
only, in the morning during the masses, and
was replaced in the tabernacle at the last;
benediction at 7 o clock in the evening.

On the Sunday in the octave, the grand
procession took place. It went to the lower

154 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

Hurons yroquises 8,

en nombre; pris, j

noyez et cinq

brulez

f e . de picard prise
Et blesste danger.

Octaue de lafeste
Dieu.

petit bruit sur les 8. h. a n re Eglise par le
Cur6, ou deuant que de dormer La benedic
tion nvf dismes nos litanies.

En la procession, 4 e . de n ris ; (outre les 2.
qui auoient soin des sauuages) sic enim nos
decet implere omne lustitia &c. idq. sine vllo
ordine regulari; i allois super r . le i r . auec le
p. dablon en surplis & estole; suiuoit le p.
ragueneau & le p. Chatelain en Chasuble, puis
M r . pellerin & St. Sauueur en Chape.

IUIN.

le i . le p. Mercier retourna de sa mission
de beaupre" & le 5. il s y en retourna. le
mesme cinq vn Canot de 8. yroquois ou
plustost Hurons yroquise"s ayant au petit
Cap enleue la femme de picar, auec 4. Enfans,
furent reconus le mesme lour sur les 10.
heures du soir passant a la pointe de Leui
par vne 2O e . de Montagnes ou Algonquains
accompagnes de 8. frangois, la femme fut
blessee dangereusem 1 . & des 8. yroquois 3.
furent noyes, & 5. amenes en vie dont 3.
furent brusle"s icy vn donn aux 3. riu. & vn
la vie.

le 3. lour de 1 octaue de la feste Dieu le S 1 .
Sacrement ne fut point expose chez nvf; a
la paroisse sur les 8. h. on y dit vne messe
basse ou on le consacra & exposa, grand messe
a 8 h. a Tissue de laquelle on fit proces
sion en dehors autour de 1 Eglise, & apporta
t on le S l . Sacrement qui fut expose pendant

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 155

town, the temporary altar being at the Ware
house ; then it reascended to the fort, where
there was also a temporary altar. We did
not go thence to the Ursulines , but turning
off opposite Monsieur duquet s house, we
passed before the dwelling of monseigneur
the Bishop, and then proceeded to our Church,
where the benediction took place; and the
procession ended at the parish church, whence
it had started. Then, at 8 o clock in the even
ing, the Sacrament was quietly brought back
by the Cure to our Church, where, before giv
ing The benediction, we recited our litanies.
In the procession, 4 de nostris (beside the 2
who were in charge of the savages) ; sic enim
nos decet implere omnem Justitiam, etc., idque
sine ullo ordine regulari. I walked ist, as
superior, with father dablon, in surplice and
stole; then followed father ragueneau and
father Chatelain, wearing Chasubles; then
Monsieur pellerin and St. Sauveur, in Copes.

JUNE.

On the ist, father Mercier came back from Vroquoised Hurons,
his mission of beaupre, and on the 5th he 8 in number,
returned thither. On the same day, the fifth, ca P tur d; 3 drowned

...,,. . and five burned.

a Canoe of 8 yroquois, or rather yroquoised

Hurons, carried off picar s wife, with 4 Chil- Picard s -wife
dren, at the petit Cap. They were discovered captured And
on the same Day, at 10 o clock at night, while dangerously

. . wounded.

they were passing point de Levi, by about

20 Montagnais or Algonquains, accompanied
by 8 frenchmen. The woman was danger
ously wounded. Of the 8 yroquois, 3 were
drowned and 5 brought in alive ; of these, 3

156 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

quelque messe qui restoit a dire, puis res-
sen^, & le soir saint a 1 ordinaire: quatre de
nos Peres assisterent a cette procession, &
nvf allasmes au deuant a la porte en surplis 2 .
ou 3.

deffaite des Hurons le 8. sur la minuit vint la nouuelle de la

& franfots. deffaite des 40 hurons qui restoient & estoient

alles en guerre auec 17. franfois & 4. Algon-

quains, & ce par vne armee de 700. yroquois

prepar6e p r . venir a Quebek & diuertie p r . ce

Mart de Mr coup par ce rencontre ; Ite la nouuelle de la

Dailleboust dernier ^ Q ^ ^ Mongr d Ailleboust decede le dernier

ae may.

de May.

ire. vaisseau arriue. le 12. vn samedy parut le premier vaisseau

de Normandie en suite du nouueau traite fait
p r . le Commerce du pays par le sieur de becan-
cour.

P. frtmin rement de & la sepmaine suiuante vinrent Mons r . le

Gangneur dans vne Chaloupe Mons r . Denys le
leune auec le p. fremin, & le lendemain leu-
dy, vne autre Chaloupe, ou estoient Mass6,
pere, & autres petits marchans.

IUILLET.

[Le vaisseau} s en Le 7. repartit le premier vaisseau p r . aller
retoume. querir des farines en france & en mesme temps

ou la veuille le s r . grignon, le gangneur &c.
dans leur Chaloupe.

voyage des j. riu. le 8. partit Mons r . le Gouuerneur p r . les 3.

riu. auec le pere Albanel, d ou estant prest de
repartir, les yroquois firent coup sur deux
Algonq. dont ils tuerent 1 vn & emmenerent

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 157

were burned here, one was given to 3 rivers,
and the other was spared his life.

On the 3rd, the octave of Corpus Christi, Octave of Corpus
the Blessed Sacrament was not exposed at Christi.

our church. At the parish church, at 8
o clock, a low mass was said, at which it was
consecrated and exposed. There was high
mass at 8 o clock, and then a procession outside,
around the Church. The Blessed Sacrament
was carried in it, and was exposed during the
mass that was still to be said. It was then
replaced in the tabernacle, and in the evening
there was benediction as usual. Four of our
Fathers took part in that procession, and 2 or
3 of us went to meet it at the door in surplices.

On the 8th, about midnight, news came of DefeatoftheHurons
the defeat of the 40 remaining hurons, who andfrench.
had gone to war with 1 7 frenchmen and 4 Al-
gonquains. They were defeated by an army
of 700 yroquois, who had been mustered to
come to Quebek and had turned aside to strike
the blow in that engagement. 18 Item, the Death of Monsieur

news of the death of Monsieur d Ailleboust, Dailleboust on the

. last day of may.

who died on the last day of May.

On the 1 2th, a Saturday, the first ship from Arrival of the ist
Normandy made its appearance, in conse
quence of the new treaty respecting the Trade
of the country, made by sieur de becancour.

In the following week, there came in a Father fr^min
Shallop Monsieur le Gangneur and Monsieur returns f romf ranee.
Denys the Younger, with father fremin ; and
on the following day, Thursday, another
Shallop arrived, in which were Masse, per6,
and other petty traders.

de TadXsac

Tricherie des mrs

de la traite

depart de laques
d EKtti.

Mr Torcapel.
5 . Ignace

Mrs les ffy*es de
montreal.

158 LES RELA TIO.NS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

1 autre en vie; ils furent poursuiuis par M r
le Gouuern r . accompagne d vne centaine de
personnes ; mais les ennemys les ayant attires
dans leurs embusclies, ils furent tvf en grand
danger il n y en eut toutesfois qu vn qui fut
legerem 1 . blesse.

II retourna icy le 19. auec le p. Aloez & le
mesme lour partit le p. Gabriel & le p. fremin
p r . Tadousac en compagnie du messieurs de la
traite qui firent le possible soubs main p r . ne
les pas embarquer.

le 20. partit laques d EKtfi qui auoit serui
au seminaire plusieurs annees, sur la fin estant
deuenu comme stupide & Interdit, il partit
dans vne Chaloupe de mons r . Masse Huguenot
mais en compagnie de M r . Per6 & autres p r .
aller a 1 Isle perc6e trouuer le Capit. le feure.

le 31. a la S l . Ignace, vespres la veuille;
messe a diacre & soubsdiacre ce fut Mons r .
Torcapel & censors de la paroisse qui la
dirent, on y chanta la messe de la rlesche ; le
p. piiart y prescha au milieu, vespres a 2. h.
le salut a 7. a 1 ordinaire; personne ne fut
Inuite au refectoire p r . le disner, on enuoya
4. saumons vn au fort, 1 autre a M r . 1 E-
uesque, le 3 e . a Messieures les Eccles. de
Montreal; le 4 e . aux Vrsul es . les Hospital
faisoient la pesche auec nvf.

AOUST

le premier partit Guill. boiuin p r . les 3
riuieres.

1659 - 60J JO URN A L DES PP. JES UITES

159

JULY.

The ship returns.

Voyage to j rivers.

On the /th, the first ship returned, to get
flour in france; and, on the same day or the
day before, sieur grignon, le gangneur, and
others returned in their Shallop.

On the 8th, Monsieur the Governor started
for 3 rivers with father Albanel. When he
was ready to return thence, the yroquois fell
on two Algonquains, killing one of them and
taking the other away alive. They were pur
sued by Monsieur the Governor, accompanied
by about a hundred persons ; but the enemy
enticed them into their ambushes, and they
found themselves all in great danger. How
ever, only one person was slightly wounded.

He returned here on the igth with father
Aloez; and on the same Day father Gabriel
and father fremin started for Tadousac in
company with the gentlemen who control the
trade; these did their utmost, in an under
hand way, not to embark them.

On the 20th, Jaques d Ekwi left; he had Departure of Jaques
served in the seminary for many years, but
toward the end had become, as it were, stupid
and Confused. He started in a Shallop of
Monsieur Masse", a Huguenot, but in company
with Monsieur Pere and others, to go to Isle
perce"e and join Captain le fevre.

At the feast of St. Ignatius, the 3ist, ves
pers were chanted on the eve. Mass was said
with a deacon and subdeacon, by Monsieur
Torcapel and his colleagues of the parish
church. La flesche s mass was sung; father
pijart preached in the middle of it. Vespers

Of Tadousac.

Trickery of the

gentlemen who

control the trade.

Monsieur Torcapel.
St. Ignatius.

160

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

hist, des oiochronons.
P. Menar,

Me. d ailleboust.

fran$ois pris.

depart de Monseign*.

de Petrte fir.

Motreal.

Arriute des XtaXat.

le 4. arriua le 2. vaisseau.

Et vn pen apres reuint de Tad&sac le p
Driiilletes & le p. fremin & en mesme temps
le bac de Montreal descendit ou estoit mad.
d Ailleboust D. & 4. oiochronons : qui s estoient
donnes p r . venir apporter Coliers disoient ils
au p. menar leur ancien pasteur detaches
de 12. autres qui estoient demeures proche
de Montreal, cela embarassa fort le monde:
ils furent remen6s & on eut les 12. autres
restes.

& le 15. arriua la nouuelle de deux fran-
cois enleu6s aux T. riu. par 20. ou 25. en-
nemys.

le 17. partit monseign 1 ". de petre"e p r . sa
Visite des 3. riu. & de Montreal, auec Mons r .
de Charny &c. & les 4. oiochronons. II arriua
a Montrea le 21. sur les 5. h. du soir, ou les
8ta8at estoient arriues le 19. qui en partirent
le lendemain 22. & arriuerent aux 3. riu. le
24. en partirent le 27. ils estoient au nombre
de 300. des grosilleres estoit a leur Compagnie
qui y estoit al!6 1 annee d auparauant, ils
estoient partis du Lac super r . 100. canots 40.
rebrousserent chemin & 60. arriuerent icy
charge s de pelleterie p r . 200000!!. ils en lais-
serent p r . 50000!!. a Montreal & porterent le
reste aux 3. riu. Ils vinrent de la en 26.
lours & furent deux moys a monter. des
grosillers a hyuerne a la nation du boeuf
qu il fait, de 4. mille homines ce sont les

iS

iW$&g8i

i? * * J ^^ ^ *NS ^^V v

S-s -
its

a ? -
S .S H

X

a IB

.-

CO J5

--
CO

UJ

LU

O

LU

. o

b * a

be ,

^^

^ ^^

UJ *

Q a

<
z

O
-/)

u.
^~\
U

UJ

O 3

U

x -a

u %

J5 QJ

-^ T3

S ~J

.... K ^
-OH

J^ i)

|w jj C

? * H

, rt <-
o^o

V V V

a * -g

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

161

at 2 o clock; benediction at 7, as usual. No
one was Invited to the refectory for dinner.
We sent 4 salmon one to the fort, another
to Monseigneur the Bishop, the 3rd to Mes
sieurs the Ecclesiastics of Montreal, and the
4th to the Ursulines. The Hospital nuns
carried on the fishery with us.

AUGUST.

On the first, Guillaume boivin started for 3
rivers.

On the 4th, the 2nd ship arrived.

Shortly afterward father Driiilletes and
father fremin came back from Tadousac ; and
at the same time the Montreal boat came
down having on board madame d Ailleboust,
D. and 4 oiochronons. The latter said that
they had offered themselves to carry Collars
to father menar, their former pastor ; and had
detached themselves from 12 others, who
remained near Montreal. This greatly em
barrassed every one. They were taken back,
and we had the 12 others who had remained.

On the 1 5th, news came that two french
men had been captured at Three rivers by 20
or 25 enemies.

On the i ;th, monseigneur of petrasa set out
for his Visitation to 3 rivers and Montreal
with Monsieur de Charny and others, and
with the 4 oiochronons. He arrived at Mont
real on the 2ist, at about 5 o clock in the
evening. The Outawats had arrived there on
the i Qth, and left on the following day, the
22nd, reaching 3 rivers on the 24th, whence

Messieurs the

Ecclesiastics of

montrtal.

Story of the

oiochronons.

Father Menar.

Madame
d ailleboust.

Frenchmen captured.

Departure of

Monseigneur of

PetrcEafor

Montreal.

Arrival of the
Outawats.

162

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

depart du p. Menar NadHesseronons sedentaires : lep. Menar, le p.
& du p. Albanel. Albanel> Iean Querin, & 6. autres fran?ois

s en allerent auec eux.

Ariue"e de M*. du
Mesnil

l66o. SEPTEMBRE.

le 7 e . arriua le 3 e . Vaisseau, ou estoit mons r .
du Menil, &c.

retour du p. Alband le 14. retourna le p. Albanel que les sau-

uages debar querent a Motreal a raison d vn
Agnieronon ancien Captif, qui se retira de la
bande des &ta&at auec lesquels il estoit venu.

le 19. partit le p. Aloes p r . estre Super 1 ",
aux 3. riuieres & le P. le moyne receut ordre
d aller en mission a Montreal.

p. Aloues aux 3. riu.

Tsanhoky eschape.

depart du 2.
vaisseau

voyage de Monsr.
aux j. riu.

depart du j . v.

OCTOBRE.

le 7. arriua Tsanhohy Huron eschape, qui
nvf apporta la nouuelle d vne Arm6e nouuelle
de 600. liommes & de la rencontre du p.
Menar, montant auec les 8taeK.

le 1 8. partit le 2. Vaisseau, ou se mirent
mess rs . les prestres: M. Torcapel & Monsieur
Pelerin ; mons r . bourdon sa f emme &c.

le 21. partit p r . sa visite des 3. riu. Mon-
seign r . de petre"e auec Mons r . de bernieres &
le mesme lour il declara Mons r . de Charny
p r . grand Vicaire Mons r . de bernieres p r .
Cure & le p r . Mercier p r . Vicaire.

Son retour le dernier du moys.

NOUEMB.

le 5. partit le dernier vaisseau de Pointel,
ou estoit Mons r . Charon, Villere &c.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

163

Departure of father

Menar and father

Albanel.

they started on the 27th. They were 300 in
number. Des grosilleres was in their
Company ; he had gone to their country the
previous year. They had started from Lake
superior in 100 canoes; 40 turned back and
60 reached here, loaded with furs to the value
of 200,000 livres. They left some to the value
of 50,000 livres at Montreal, and took the
remainder to 3 rivers. They came down in
26 Days, and took two months to return. Des
grosillers wintered with the nation of the ox,
which he says consists of 4 thousand men ;
they are sedentary Nadwesseronons. Father
Menar, father Albanel, Jean Guerin, and 6
other frenchmen went with them.

I66O, SEPTEMBER.

On the 7th, the 3rd Ship arrived, having on Arrival of Monsieur
board monsieur du Menil and others. du Mesnil.

On the 1 4th, father Albanel returned; the Return of father
savages had landed him at Montreal on Albanel.

account of an Agnieronon, a former Captive,
who left the band of Outawats with whom he
had come.

On the i gth, father Aloes left to become Su
perior at 3 rivers, and Father le moyne received
orders to go to Montreal on a mission.

OCTOBER.

On the 7th, Tsanhohy, an escaped Huron,
arrived ; he brought tidings of a new Army of
600 men, and reported that he had met father
Menar, who was going up with the Outaek.

On the 1 8th, the 2nd Ship sailed; on board Departure of the 2nd
of it were messieurs the priests, Monsieur

Father A loues at j
rivers.

Tsanhohy escaped.

164

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Huron eschape

Conteste pr.
marguillers

gouuerneur vent se

maintenir marg llier

honor air e

le 7. arriua vn huron eschape d Agnie e,
qui confirme la nouuelle d vne arme e.

le 28. Monseign r . 1 Euesque ayant tenu
assemblee des marguillers, & declare Mons. le
Gouuern 1 ". n estre plvf Marguiller honoraire
& ce sans luy en auoir parle, le 30. suiuant
Mons r . le Gouuerneur se trouua a 1 assemblee
des marguillers auec ceux de sa suite ordi
naire, ou il pretendit se maintenir en sa
charge, declarant a Mons r . 1 Euesque qu il
n auoit pas ce pouuoir que de le demettre;
plusieurs paroles se dirent peu respectueuses
a 1 endroit de MX 1 Euesque qui donna suiet
de mescontentem 1 . de part & d autre.

DECEMBRE

A la S 1 . Xauier, on pensa ne point faire de
sermon le matin pour le peu de monde qui se
trouua au commecem 1 . de la messe, toutesfois
Mons r . le Gouuern r . estant venu au Credo, on
fit le sermon apres le Credo.

A Noel coe 1 an passe, on sonna le premier
coup de la messe de ceans a n. h. vn quart,
fieri non debebat, mais a 1 1 .^ en mesme temps
que la cloche de ceans p r . le leuer. les Confes-
seurs a la paroisse furent Monseign r . le p. Chas-
telaine & M r . de bernieres Cure qui ne pouuant
chanter laissa I ofrlce a faire a d autres. Mons r .
Ceremonies de Noel, de Charny dit la messe de Minuit, le p r . Mercier

fit le Diacre, & le p. Dablon le soubsdiacre:
mons r . 1 Euesque n auoit donne aucun ordre
p r . 1 eueiller de sorte qu il pensa ne point

Si. Xauier

Noel

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

165

Torcapel and Monsieur Pelerin, monsieur
bourdon, his wife, and others.

On the 2ist, Monseigneur of petrsea left for
his visit to 3 rivers, with Monsieur de ber-
nieres; and, on the same Day, he appointed
Monsieur de Charny Vicar-general, Monsieur
de bernieres Cure, and father Mercier Vicar.

He returned on the last day of the month.

NOVEMBER.

On the 5th sailed the last ship that of
Pointel, on board of which were Monsieur
Charon, Villere", and others.

On the 7th, a huron arrived who had escaped
from Agni6e ; he confirmed the news of an
army.

On the 28th, Monseigneur the Bishop held
a meeting of the churchwardens, and stated
that Monsieur the Governor was no longer an
honorary Churchwarden; and this without
having told him of it. On the 3Oth follow
ing, Monsieur the Governor was present at
the meeting of the churchwardens, with his
usual suite ; and there he asserted his right
to maintain himself in his office, declaring to
Monseigneur the Bishop that he had not the
power to remove him. Several words were
said that were not very respectful to the posi
tion of Monseigneur the Bishop, which gave
rise to dissatisfaction on both sides.

DECEMBER.

On the feast of St. Xavier we thought that
we would not preach a sermon in the morn
ing, because there were few people present at
the beginning of mass. However, as Mon-

Voyage of
Monseigneur to
rivers.

Departure of the ^rd
ship.

Huron escaped.

Dispute respecting
churchwardens.

The governor wishes
to maintain himself

an honorary
churchwarden.

St. Xavier.

166

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

venir a la messe de minuit ny luy ny aucun de
Boquet seul sert La ses gens. Monseign r . 1 Euesque dit sur les

messe a msgr Et bis 2> ^ ]a megse ceans au ^ Autel Qu boquet
negat abluot.

le seruit tout seul, & luy refusa bien a propos
l Abl uon par deux fois; & bien a propos car il
deuoit dire a la paroisse la 3 e . messe le lende-
main. le sermon se fit apres vespre a 1 ordi
naire, & a la fin Monseign r . donna la benedic
tion de sa place & hoc male car il deuoit aller
a 1 Autel.

En ce moys fut amenee de beauport barbe
Hale, infestee d vn Demon folet depuis 5. ou
6. moys mais a diuerses reprises; elle fut
mise au commencem 1 . dans vne chambre du
vieux hospital ou elle passoit la nuit auec
comp ie . d vne garde de son sexe; & quelque
prestre & seruiteurs. longa historia, de qua
alibi fuse.

barbe Hale
Esprit follet.

1659-60] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

167

sieur the Governor came in at the Credo, the
sermon was preached after the Credo.

At Christmas, as last year, the first bell for
mass in our house was rung at a quarter past
1 1 ; fieri non debebat, but at 1 1 y 2 , at the same
time as the bell in our house for rising. The
Confessors at the parish church were Monsei-
gneur> father Chastelaine, and Monsieur de
bernieres, the Cure, who was unable to sing,
and left the office to be sung by others. Mon
sieur de Charny said Midnight mass ; father
Mercier officiated as Deacon, and father Da-
blon as subdeacon. Monseigneur the Bishop
had not given any orders to awake him so
that he and all his people very nearly failed
to be present at the midnight mass. Monsei
gneur the Bishop said mass at about 2 o clock
in this house at the side Altar, at which bo-
quet alone served him ; the latter very prop
erly refused him the Ablution twice, very
properly, because he was to say the 3rd mass
at the parish church in the morning. The
sermon was preached after vespers, as usual;
and at the end of it Monseigneur gave the
benediction from his place, et hoc male, for he
should have gone to the Altar.

In this month, barbe Hale was brought
from beauport. She had been possessed with
a Demon of lunacy for 5 or 6 months, but
only at intervals. At first she was placed in
a room in the old hospital, where she passed
the night, in the company of a keeper of her
own sex, a priest, and some servants. Longa
hist or ia, de qua alibi fuse.

Christmas.

Christmas
Ceremonies.

Boquet alone serves

at monseigneur s

mass. Et bis negat

ablutionem.

Barbe Hale.
Demon of lunacy.

CII

RELATION OF 16^9-60

PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1661

SOURCE : We follow a copy of the original Cramoisy in
Lenox Library one formerly owned by George Bancroft.

Chaps, i.-iv. appear in this volume; the rest of the
document will be given in Volume XLVI.

RELATION

BE CE QVI S EST PASSE

DE PLVS REMARQVABLE

AVX MISSIONS DES PERES

,dela Compagniedelisvs,

E N t A

NOVVELLE FRANCE,

es annees mil fix cent cfnquante neuf
c mil fix cent foixantc.

Enuoyee a R. P- CLAVDE

Prommial de la Pronincc dc Frame.

A PARIS,

EBASTiEN C * A M o i s Y , Impd-
meur ordinaire da Roy 6c de-la Reyne :
rue faind lacques , aux Cicognes.

Privilege dn

RE LATION

OF WHAT OCCURRED

MOST REMARKABLE

IN THE MISSIONS OF THE FATHERS

of the Society of JESUS,
I N

NEW FRANCE,

in the years one thousand six hundred fifty-nine
and one thousand six hundred sixty.

Sent to Reverend Father CLAUDE BOUCHER,
Provincial of the Province of France.

PARIS,

SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in ordinary

to the King and Queen : rue saint

Jacques, at the Sign of the Storks.

M. DC. LXI.

By Royal License.

174 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [VOL. 45

Extraift du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis a
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY Imprimeur ordinaire du
Roy, & dela Reyne, Diredteurde rimprimerie
Royale du Louure, & ancien Efcheuin de Paris,
d imprimer ou faire imprimer, vendre & debiter vn
Liure intitule", La Relation de ce qui s eft paffe" en la
MiJJion des Peres de la Compagnie de fe/us, au Pais de la
Nouuelle France, ts anne es 1659. & *66- Et ce pen
dant le temps de vingt anne es confecutiues. Auec
defenfes a tous Libraires, Imprimeurs, & autres,
d imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit Liure, fous pre-
texte de de guifement ou changement qu ils y pour-
roient faire aux peines porte"es par ledit Priuilege.
Donne" a Paris le 15. lanuier 1661. Signe", Par le
Roy en fon Confeil.

MABOVL.

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 175

Extract from the Royal License.

BY grace and License of the King, permission is
granted to SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in
ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of
the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, and former
Alderman of Paris, to print or cause to be printed,
sold, and retailed, a Book entitled : La Relation de ce
qui s est passe" en la Mission des Peres de la Compagnie de
Jesus, au Pats de la Nouvelle France, e s anne"es 1659. et
1660. And this during the time of twenty consecu
tive years, forbidding, under the penalties provided
by the said License, all Booksellers, Printers, and
others, to print or cause to be printed the said Book
under pretext of any disguise or change that they
might make therein. Given at Paris, on the i$th of
January, 1661. Signed, By the King in his Council,

MABOUL.

176 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Permiffion du R. P. Prouincial.

NOVS CLAVDE BOVCHER Prouincial de la
Compagnie de IESVS en la Prouince de
France, auons accorde" pour 1 auenir au Sieur
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy
& de la Reyne, Diredteur de I lmprimerie Roy ale du
Louure, & ancien Efcheuin de cette ville de Paris,
rimprejfion de la Relation de la Nouuelle France. A
Paris, le 8. lanuier. 1661.

Signe", CLAVDE BOVCHER.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 - 60 177

Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial.

WE, CLAUDE BOUCHER, Provincial of the
Society of J E s u s in the Province of France,
have for the future granted to Sieur SEBAS-
TIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in ordinary to the King
and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-house of
the Louvre, and former Alderman of this city of
Paris, the Printing of the Relation of New France. Paris,
January 8, 1661.

Signed, CLAUDE BOUCHER.

178 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

Table des Chapitres.

Chap. I. j~^\^ r Eftat du Pais en general, pag. I
JLJ Chap. II. De V EJlat du Pais
des Iroquois, & de leurs
cruautez. . . -2$

Chap. III. De ? Eftat du Pais des Algonkins, & de

quelques nouuelles decouuertes. . . .40

Chap. IV. De V EJlat de la Nation Huronne, & de

fa dernier e defaite par les Iroquois. . . 67

Chap. V. De I EJlat du rejle des Hurons, apres

leur derniere defaite. . . . .90

Chap. VI. De V EJlat des Miffions, & de Vouuer-

ture qui s" en fait de nouueau. . 116 [i.e., 134]

Chap. VII. De quelques Prifonniers faits fur

V Iroquois, & brujlez a Quebec. . . 155

Chap. VIII. De quelques autres chofes mentor ables
qui ont pd trouuer place aux Chapitres prece
dents. . . . . . .175

1659-60] RELATION OF t6s9-6o 179

Table of Chapters.

Chap. I. f~\ F the Condition of the Country in

II general. . P&g e x

Chap. II. Of the Condition of
the Country of the Iroquois,
and of their cruelties. . 25
Chap. III. Of the Condition of the Algonkin Coun
try, and of some new discoveries. 4
Chap. IV. Of the Condition of the Huron Nation,

and of its latest defeat by the Iroquois. . 67

Chap. V. Of the Condition of the surviving Hu-

rons after their latest defeat. . - 9

Chap. VI. Of the Condition of the Missions, and

how they have been reopened. . 1 16 [i.e., 134]

Chap. VII. Of some Prisoners captured from the

Iroquois and burned at Quebec. 155

Chap. VIII. Of some other noteworthy matters
which could find no place in the preceding
Chapters.

180 LES RELATIONS DES JESU1TES [ VOL. 45

[i] Relation de ce qvi s eft paffe en la Miffion

des Peres de la Compagnie de I E s v s aux

pai s de la Nouuelle France, depuis

1 Efte de 1 annee 16^9. iufques

a 1 Efte de 1 annee 1660.

CHAPITRE I.
DE L ESTAT DU PAIS EN GENERAL.

L JEST AT de 1 ancienne & de la nouuelle France
fe treuuent prefentement affez femblables, a
ce que 1 hiftoire rapporte de cette montagne
des Indes, compofe e de deux parties, 1 vne orientale,
[2] & 1 autre occidentale, fi differentes & fi contraires,
que la premiere ioui t de toute la douceur d vn
Printemps, tandis que 1 autre fouffre par des pluies
continuelles les incommoditez de 1 Hiuer.

L Ocean qui nous fepare de la France, ne voit a
fon orient qu allegreile, que magnificence, que feux
de ioie ; & a fon couchant que guerre, que maflacres,
qu embrafemens. Noftre inuincible Monarque donne
la paix & la vie a toute 1 Europe, pendant que noftre
Amerique femble eftre aux abois par la plus cruelle
de toutes les guerres: ces feux de ioies qui ont
e claire dans toutes les villes les vidloires, & les tro
phies de noftre conquerant & pacifique Dieu-donne",
fe changent pour nous en feux de [3] cruaute", dans
lefquels nos pauures Francois font inhumainement

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 -60 1 81

[i] Relation of what occurred in the Mission

of the Fathers of the Society of JESUS, in

the countries of New France, from the

Summer of the year 16^9 to the

Summer of the year 1660.

CHAPTER I.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY IN GENERAL.

THE Condition of the old France and the new,
bear, at present, considerable likeness to that
mountain of the Indies of which, the story
goes, the parts facing east [2] and west are so differ
ent and opposite in nature that the former enjoys
all the mildness of Spring, while the latter, owing
to constant rains, suffers the inconveniences of
Winter.

The Ocean which separates us from France sees,
on its eastern side, only rejoicing, splendor, and
bonfires; but, on its western, nothing but war,
slaughter, and conflagrations. Our invincible Mon
arch gives peace and life to all Europe, while our
America seems to be reduced to extremities by the
most cruel of all wars. Those bonfires that have,
in all the cities, lighted up the victories and trophies
of our conquering and pacific God-given sovereign,
are for us changed into fires of [3] cruelty, in which
our poor French are inhumanly burned. To old
France we can well say, with Abraham, in the sense

182 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

bruflez. Inter vos & nos chaos magnum firmatum eft,
pouuons-nous bien dire 1 ancienne France, auec
Abraham, dans le mefme fens que donne S. Am-
broife & ces paroles; que ce n eft pas tant la vafte
e"tendue des mers qui nous fepare les vns des autres,
& qui met comme vn grand chaos entre deux ; comme
la difference de 1 eftat, fortune^ pour vous, qui vous
fait nager dans la ioie & dans le fein de la paix, au
contraire lamentable pour nous, & qui nous menace
des derniers malheurs.

Ce n eft pas qu S. la veue d vn eftat fi floriffant, oft
fe treuue & prefent toute la France, nos i eux n aient
fait couler des larmes de ioie parmy celles qu ils [4]
verfent comme par habitude & par neceffite : Nous
auons chante" le Te Deum, auec bien des tendreffes,
il eft vray; mais c eftoit auec vn coeur mi-parti,
puifqu il nous fembloit en mefme temps entendre
nos Francois captifs, chanter fur les echafaux des
Iroquois, & la fa9on qu on les oblige & cette barbare
ceremonie, ou pour trouuer quelque foulagement
dans leurs tourmens, ou pour donner du diuertiffe-
ment a leurs boureaux.

Ce qui nous confole, c eft que nous fommes bien
affeurezqu onne nousregarde pas feulement, comme
font ceux qui eftans dans le port ou fur le riuage,
regardent auec quelque compaffion, & mefme don-
nent des larmes au debris d vn pauure vaiffeau que
la tempefte fait 6chouer; mais [5] nous nous promet-
tons bien plus, ffachans les voeux, les prieres, les
penitences, & toutes fortes de bonnes oeuures qui
fe font prefque par tout pour la conuerfion de nos
Sauuages ; & apprenans les bons deffeins que Dieu a
infpirez & plufieurs perfonnes de grand merite, de

1659 - 60] R EL A TION OF 1639 ~ 6 183

that St. Ambrose gives to the words: Inter vos et nos
chaos magnum firmatum est, it is not so much the
vast stretch of seas which separates us from one
another, and interposes a great chaos, so to speak,
as it is the difference in our conditions. Yours is a
happy one you bask in joy, and rest in the bosom
of peace ; whereas ours is a lamentable one, threat
ening us with the extreme of misfortune.

This does not mean that, at sight of so flourishing
a condition as that now enjoyed by all France, our
eyes have not shed tears of joy amid those which
they [4] shed, as it were, from habit and necessity.
We chanted the Te Deum with much feeling, it is
true, but with conflicting emotions; for we seemed
to hear, at the same time, our captive Frenchmen
singing on the scaffolds of the Iroquois, as they are
compelled to do at that barbarous ceremony, either
for the purpose of finding some relief amid their
torments, or to afford entertainment to their execu
tioners.

What consoles us is our full assurance that people
do not regard us merely as do those who, being
themselves in port or on the shore, contemplate with
some compassion the wreck of a poor vessel shat
tered by the storm, and even shed some tears over
it. But [5] we promise ourselves much more, know
ing the vows, the prayers, the penances, and all sorts
of good works, which are being performed almost
everywhere for the conversion of our Savages ; and
learning of the good purposes with which God has
inspired many persons of merit, for accomplishing
the destruction of the Iroquois. That means, to
open a door, high and wide, for proclaiming the
Faith and giving the Preachers of the Gospel access

184 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

procurer la deftrudtion de 1 Iroquois, c eft a dire,
d ouurir vne grande & fpacieufe porte & la publica
tion de la Foi, & donner entree aux Predicateurs de
1 Euangile vers des peuples immenfes, foit pour les
terres qu ils occupent, foit pour la diuerfite des
Nations qui les compofent, toutes lefquelles s eloi-
gnent de nous a quatre & cinq cens lieue s dans les
forefts, fuiant 1 ennemi commun, fans lequel elles
viendroient enricher ce pai s de leurs [6] pelteries, &
nous irions chez elles pour enrichir le Ciel des
glorieufes de*pouilles que nous enleuerions h 1 Enfer.

Cette entreprife eft digne de la piete" de ceux qui
s y emploient, & bien fortable a la gloire du nom
Franois, qui n a iamais plus eclate que dans les
guerres faintes, & pour la defenfe de la Religion.

On iugera par ce qui eft couche" dans chaque
chapitre de cette Relation, de la neceffite de cette
glorieufe expedition, dans laquelle fe treuuent tous
les interefts diuins & humains.

Les interefts de Dieu y font puiffamment engagez :
car quoy que ce dernier quartier du monde ne foit
pas peuple" a proportion du refte de la terre; nous
fgauons neantmoins que de quelque [7] cofte" que nous
iettions les i eux, nous y voions des peuplades de
Sauuages, qui ne font qu attendre qu on aille
ramaffer chez elles les precieux reftes du Sang de
IESVS-CHRIST. Ce font la plufpart peuples
errans, qui portent auec eux leur maifons en rou
leaux, & qui baftiffent des villes a chaque iournee
qu ils font, dont les vns ont embraffe la Foi, & font
les exercices de la Religion fur les neiges & dans
les forefts, d autres n en ont eu que de legeres tein-
tures, & les autres n ont iamais veu d Europeans.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 185

to peoples of great extent, in regard to both the terri
tories which they occupy, and the diversity of Nations
composing them all of whom are four or five hun
dred leagues distant from us in the forests, shunning
the common enemy. Were it not for the latter, they
would come and enrich this country with their [6]
furs, and we should visit them to enrich Heaven
with the glorious spoils that we should wrest from
the powers of Hell.

Such an enterprise is worthy of the piety of those
engaged in it, and quite consistent with the glory of
the French name, which has never shone more
brightly than it did in the holy wars and in the
defense of Religion.

From what is recorded in each chapter of this
Relation, the reader will judge of the necessity of
this glorious expedition, which embraces all inter
ests, divine and human.

God s interests therein are deeply involved; for,
although this farthest quarter of the world is not
inhabited in proportion to the rest of the earth, we
know nevertheless that, whithersoever [7] we turn
our eyes, we see tribes of Savages who are only
waiting for some one to go and gather up among
them the precious remnants of the Blood of JESUS
CHRIST. They are, for the most part, nomadic
tribes, carrying their houses with them in rolls, and
building towns at the end of each day s journey.
Some of them have embraced the Faith, and perform
the exercises of Religion amid the snows and in the
forests ; others have received only a slight tincture
of Religion; and the rest have never seen any
Europeans.

We know and we will state the facts more fully

186 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Nous fgauons, & nous le deduirons plus arnplement
au chapitre troifie me, qu il y a des peuples, & feden-
taires & vagabonds, de mefme langue, iufqu a la mer
du Nord, dont ces [8] nations bordent le riuage;
qu il y en a d autres qui s etendent iufqu a la mer
du Sud, tout fraichement decouuers ; ils nous tendent
les bras, & nous leurs tendons les noftres, mais les
vns & les autres font trop courts pour fe ioindre de fi
loin : & quand enfin nous penf ons nous entrembraff er,
nous treuuons 1 Iroquois qui fe met entre deux, &
qui frappe fur les vns & fur les autres.

Nous f9auons que bien loin au dela du grand Lac
des Hurons, chez qui la Foi eftoit il y a quelques
annees fi floriflante, pendant que 1 Iroquois n em-
pefchoit pas nos Millions, & auparauant qu il nous
en euft chaffe par le maffacre de nos Peres, & le
facagement de ces Eglifes naiffantes, nous fgauons
que quelques reftes du debris de cette Nation fe font
[9] ralliez en affez bon nombre au dela des lacs, &
des montagnes frequentees par leurs ennemis, & que
tout nouuellement ils ont ici depute, pour redeman-
der leurs chers & anciens Pafteurs: mais ces bons
Pafteurs font tuez en chemin par les Iroquois, leurs
guides font pris & bruflez, & tous les chemins font
rendus inacceffibles.

Nous fgauons mefme que parmi les Iroquois, la Foi y
eft en vigueur malgre qu ils en aient, non pas en
leur perfonne, mais en celle d vn grand nombre de
captifs, qui ne refpirent qu a nous auoir auec
eux, ou d eftre auec nous, & qui ont fait merueil-
leufement bien profiter cette diuine femence, que
nous auons iettee fur eux auant leur deftrudtion,
mais venit inimicus homo: quand nos efperances [10]

1659-60] RELATION OF 1639-60 187

in the third chapter that there are tribes of the
same language, both stationary and wandering, as far
as the North sea, on whose shores these [8] nations
border; and that there are others, very recently
discovered, extending as far as the South sea. They
stretch out their arms to us, and we ours to them,
but on both sides they are too short to unite across
such a distance; and when, finally, we are on the
point of embracing each other, the Iroquois steps in
between and showers blows upon both of us.

We know that very far beyond the great Lake of
the Hurons, among whom the Faith was so flour
ishing some years ago, when the Iroquois did not
molest our Missions, and before he had expelled us
from them by the murder of our Fathers and the
pillage of those nascent Churches, we know that
some remnants of the wreck of that Nation [9] rallied
in considerable numbers beyond the lakes and moun
tains frequented by their enemies, and that but
recently they sent a deputation hither to ask back
again their dear old Pastors. But these good Pastors
are slain on the way by the Iroquois, their guides
are captured and burned, and all the roads are
rendered impassable.

We even know that among the Iroquois the Faith
is in a vigorous condition, although they do not pos
sess it in their own persons, but in those of numerous
captives. These only long to have us with them, or
to be themselves with us ; and they have caused that
divine seed which we sowed among them, before
their destruction, to yield marvelous returns. But
venit inimicus homo; when our hopes [10] seemed the
brightest, when we were ready to reap blessed
harvests, having gone in quest of those poor sheep

188 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

paroiffoient les plus riantes, & quand nous eitions
prefts de faire d heureufes recoltes, eftant allez cher-
cher ces pauures brebis iufque dans la gueule des
loups, nous 6tabliffant pour ce fuiet a Onnontague;
1 ennemi de la Foi eft furuenu, qui nous a raui vne
partie de la proie que nous auions entre les mains;
il nous auoit defia deftine a fes feux & a fes baches,
fi la Prouidence qui a toufiours 1 oeil ouuert fur les
liens, n euft eu foin des Pafteurs, les gardant non fans
prodige pour d autres brebis, qua non funt ex hoc ouili.
Enfin nous fgauons, que par tout ou nous puiffions
aller dans nos bois, nous y rencontrons quelque
Eglife fugitiue, ou quelque autre naiflante; par tout
nous trouuons des enfans a enuoier dans le Ciel, par
tout des malades [n] a baptifer, & des adultes a
inftruire; mais par tout nous trouuons 1 Iroquois,
qui comme vn phantome importun, nous obfede en
tous lieux; s il nous treuue parmi nos nouueaux
Chreftiens, il les maffacre entre nos bras; s il nous
rencontre fur la Riuiere, il nous tue; s il nous prend
dans les cabanes de nos Sauuages, il nous brufle auec
eux: mais noftre mort nous feroit fouhaitable, &
bien plus precieufe, fi elle n eftoit pas fuiuie de la
defolation generale de nos pauures Eglifes, & fi la
perte des Pafteurs ne caufoit pas celle des Oiiailles,
qui fans doute peuuent faire compaffion, & tirer les
larmes des i eux de ceux qui voient non feulement
tant de conuerfions retard6es, & tant d ames perdues ;
mais tous ces Neophites contraints de chercher les
antres, [12] & les forefts les plus e"pailTes & les plus
recu!6es, pour y traifner vne miferable vie dans 1 in-
digence de toutes chofes, & fuir a peu pr6s comme
les premiers Chreftiens, quand la rage des tirans

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 - 60 189

into the very jaws of the wolves, establishing our
selves at Onnontagu6 for this purpose, the enemy
of the Faith came upon us unawares, and bore away
from us a part of the prey that we had in our grasp.
He had already destined us for his fires and his
hatchets; but Providence, with eyes ever watchful
over its own, took care of the Pastors, preserving
them, not without a miracle, for other sheep, qua non
sunt ex hoc ovili.

Finally, we know that, whithersoever we go in
our forests, we find some fugitive Church, or else
some infant one ; everywhere we find children to
send to Heaven, everywhere sick people [11] to
baptize, and adults to instruct. But everywhere, too,
we find the Iroquois, who, like an obtrusive phantom,
besets us in all places. If he finds us among our
new Christians, he slaughters them in our arms ; if
he meets us on the River, he slays us ; and if he
takes us in the cabins of our Savages, he burns us
with them. Death, however, would be welcomed
by us, and would be much more precious, if it were
not followed by the general desolation of our poor
Churches, and if the loss of the Shepherds did not
cause also that of the Sheep. The latter can without
doubt excite compassion, and draw tears from the
eyes of those who see not only so many conversions
retarded and so many souls lost, but also those Neo
phytes forced to seek caves [12] and the thickest and
most remote forests, there to drag out a miserable
existence, in want of all things; and to flee very
much as did the early Christians, when the rage of
tyrants instigated similar persecutions. Truly, our
hearts bleed when we see ourselves at the gates of
so fair a harvest, and unable to enter ; when we see

190 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

fufcitoit de femblables perfecutions. II eft vrai que
le coeur nous faigne, de nous voir aux portes d vne
li belle moiffon, & n y pouuoir entrer, de voir tant
d ames tomber dans les Enfers, eftant fi proche du
Roiaume des Cieux. Et qui fait cela? vne petite
poignee d Iroquois, qui tous enfemble ne feroient
pas la millie me partie des peuples dont ils ruinent
le falut. Ces fpedtacles ne font-ils pas affez touchans
pour rallumer ce zele & cette ardeur Fran9oife, qui a
autresfois fait de li nobles conqueftes fur les infi-
deles, & qui a rendu la Prance li glorieufe par les
[13] croifades, qui ont elt6 comme le precieux apanage
du Roiaume tres-Chreftien?

Mais quoique les interefts temporels foient peu
de chofes en comparaifon des eternels, i aurois pour-
tant bien dequoi piquer la generofite de ceux qui y
pretendent, li ie voulois m e tendre fur les torts que
1 Iroquois leur fait, coupant toutes les fources de la
traite, & empe chant que des peuples de cinq a fix
cens lieues & la ronde, ne viennent ici-bas chargez
de pelteries, qui feroient regorger ce pai s de richelles
immenfes, comme ils ont fait en vn feul voi age, que
quelques-vnes de ces Nations ont entrepris cette
anne"e, quoiqu ^ la derobe"e, & comme furtiuement,
crainte de leurs ennemis.

II faut auouer qu auec cela la [14] face de nos colo
nies Fran9oifes feroit aimable, fi la terreur des Iro-
quois n en rendoit point le feiour dangereux ; la terre
eft d vn heureux rapport, & pourueu que le laboureur
qui la cultiue, y trauaille auec foin, en peu d annees
il fe verra non feulement hors de necelfite, mais a fon
aife, luy, fa femme & fes enfans. Nous en voions
plufieurs, qui ayans eu vne concemon, qui ne coufte

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 191

so many souls fall into Hell, when they are so near
the Kingdom of Heaven. And what is the cause of
this ? A little handful of Iroquois, who all together
would not equal the thousandth part of those whose
salvation they prevent. Are not these sights touch
ing enough to rekindle in the French that zeal and
ardor which, of old, made such noble conquests
among the infidels, and rendered France so glorious
through the [13] crusades? which were, so to speak,
the precious appanage of the most Christian Kingdom.

But, although temporal interests are of small mo
ment compared with the eternal, I could nevertheless
find abundant arguments to spur on the bravery of
those who entertain hopes of gain, if I wished to
expatiate on the injury the Iroquois are doing them,
by cutting off all the sources of traffic. They prevent
the tribes from five or six hundred leagues about us,
from coming down hither, laden with furs that would
make this country overflow with immense riches
as was done in a single journey which some of those
Nations undertook this year although secretly, and,
as it were, by stealth, from fear of their foes.

It must be admitted that, in spite of this, the [14]
prospects of our French colonies would be excellent
if the fear of the Iroquois did not render their stay
dangerous. The soil is very productive; and, if the
husbandman who cultivates it only labors with dili
gence, in a few years he will see himself not merely
out of need, but at his ease he, his wife, and his
children. We see many such men who, having
received a grant, which can here be had for the
asking, in less than five or six years harvest enough
grain to feed themselves with all their family, and
even to sell some. They are furnished with all the

192 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

icy qu a demander, en moins de cinq on fix annees
recneillent dn bled abondamment pour fe nourrir
anec tonte lent famille, & mefme ponr en vendre; ils
ont toutes les commoditez d vne baffe cour; ils fe
voient en pen de temps riches en beftiaux, pour me-
ner vne vie exempte d amertume, & pleine de ioie.
En peu d anne"es les families fe [15] multiplient,
car 1 air de ce pai s eftant tres-fain, on voit peu d en-
fans mourir dans le berceau. Quoi que 1 hiuer foit
long, & que les neiges couurent la terre cinq mois
entiers, a trois, quatre & cinq pieds de profondeur,
toutesfois ie puis dire que les froids y paroiffent
fouuent plus tolerables qu ils ne font dans la France,
foit a caufe que les hiuers ne font pas icy pluuieux,
& que les iours ne laiffent pas d eflre agreables; foit
a caufe que Ton a le bois . fa porte, & plus on fait
grand feu iour & nuit pour combattre le froid, plus
on abbat de la foreft voiline, & Ton fe fait des terres
nouuelles, pour labourer & pour femer, qui rendent
de bons grains, & qui enrichiffent leurs Maiftres.
Souuent 1 on a deuant fa porte la pefche en abon-
dance, principalement [16] de 1 anguille, qui eft en
ce pai s tres-excellente, n eftant point bourbeufe
comme font celles de la France, a caufe qu elle nage
dans la grande eau de noltre fleuue S. Laurens.
Dans les mois de Septembre & d Odtobre, cette
pefche d anguille eft fi heureufe, que tel en prendra
pour fa part, quarante, cinquante, foixante & feptante
milliers. Et le bon eft qu on a trouue" le moien de
la faler commode ment, & par ce moien la conferuer
en fa bonte"; c eft vne manne inconceuable pour
ce pai s, & qui ne coufte qu a prendre, & qui porte
auec foy, pour 1 ordinaire, tout fon affaifonnement.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639-60 193

conveniences of a farm-yard, and soon find them
selves rich in live stock, so that they can lead a life
free from hardship and full of happiness.

In a few years the families [15] increase; for, as
the air of this country is very salubrious, one sees
few children die in the cradle. Though the winters
are long, and snow covers the earth for five whole
months to the depth of three, four, or five feet, yet I
can affirm that the cold often seems more endurable
here than in France whether because the winters
are not rainy here, and the days are always pleasant,
or because we have wood at our doors. Moreover,
the greater the fire one keeps, day and night, to
combat the cold, the more does he fell the neighbor
ing forest, and make himself new lands to till and
sow, which yield good harvests of grain, and enrich
their Owners. Often one has fishing in plenty,
before his own door, chiefly [16] of eels, which are
very excellent in this country, not being muddy as
they are in France, because they swim in the vast
waters of our river St. Lawrence. In the months of
September and October, this eel-fishing is so produc
tive that many a man will catch for his portion forty,
fifty, sixty, and seventy thousand. And the great
advantage is that we have found means of salting
them conveniently, and thus preserving them un
tainted. They constitute a wonderful manna for
this country, and one that costs nothing beyond the
catching, and ordinarily carries with it all its own
seasoning. During the winter, Moose are hunted on
the snow; and many of our Frenchmen have killed
thirty or forty apiece. Their flesh is easily preserved
[17] by freezing, and serves as provision throughout
the winter, while their skins are still more valuable.

194 LES RELATIONS DES J&S UITES [VOL. 45

Durant 1 hiuer on court les Orignaux fur les neiges,
& tel de nos Fra^ois en a tue pour fa part trente
& quarente, dont la chair fe conferue aifement [17]
par la ge!6e, & fert de prouifion pendant 1 hiuer; les
peaux font encore plus precieufes. Cette chaffe
paroiffoit autrefois comme impoffible a nos Fra^ois,
& maintenant elle leur fert de recreation. Us fe font
auffi formez a la chaffe du caftor, qui fait vne des
grandes richeffes de ce pai s.

Mais la guerre des Iroquois trauerfe toutes nos
ioies, & c eft 1 vnique mal de la nouuelle France, qui
eft en danger de fe voir toute defolee, fi de France
Ton n y apporte vn puiffant & prompt fecours: Car
pour dire vray, il n y a rien de li aife" & ces barbares,
que de mettre, quand ils voudront, toutes nos habi
tations a feu & & fang, a la referue de Qiiebec, qui
eft en eftat de defenfe; mais qui toutefois ne feroit
plus qu vne prifon, dont 1 on ne pourroit pas [18]
fortir en affeurance, & ou 1 on mourroit de faim, fi
toute la campagne eftoit ruine e.

Ce qui donne cette auantage a 1 ennemi fur nous,
c eft que toutes les habitations de la campagne, hors
de Quebec, font fans defenfe, & qu elles font eloi-
gn6es les vnes des autres, dans 1 efpace de huit &
dix lieue s, fur les riues de la grande Riuiere, n y
aiant en chaque maifon que deux, trois, ou quatre
homines, & fouuent mefme qu vn feul auec fa femme
& quantit6 d enfans, qui peuuent eftre tous tuez, ou
enleuez fans qu on en puiffe fcauoir rien dans la
maifon la plus voifme.

le ne dis rien des pertes que feroit la France, fi ces
vaftes contrees fortoient de fa domination. L eftran-
ger en tireroit vn grand [19] auantage au detriment
de la nauigation Francoife.

1659-60] RELATION OF 1639-60 195

Formerly, the hunting of them appeared to our
Frenchmen an impossibility, and now it serves them
as recreation. They have also adapted themselves
to the hunting of the beaver, which forms one of
this country s great sources of wealth.

But the warfare of the Iroquois thwarts all our
pleasures, and is the sole affliction of new France,
which is in danger of becoming utterly devastated
unless prompt and powerful relief is rendered from
France. For, to tell the truth, nothing is so easy
for these barbarians as to subject all our settlements
to fire and massacre whenever they choose, with the
exception of Quebec, which is in a state of defense,
but which would still be only a prison that one could
not [18] leave with safety; and where one would die
of hunger, if all the outlying country were laid
waste.

What gives the enemy this advantage over us is,
that all the rural settlements outside of Quebec are
without defense, and are distant from one another as
much as eight or ten leagues on the banks of the
great River. In each house there are only two,
three, or four men, and often only one, alone with
his wife and a number of children, who may all be
killed or carried off without any one s knowing aught
about it in the nearest house.

I say nothing of the losses that France would
suffer if these vast regions should pass from her
control. The foreigner would reap a great [19]
advantage, to the detriment of French navigation.

Moreover, in their method of warfare the Iroquois
are so stealthy in their approach, so swift in their
execution, and so expeditious in their retreat, that
one commonly learns of their departure before gain-

196 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

Au refte, la faon que tiennent les Iroquois dans
leurs guerres, eft fi cache e dans leurs approches, fi
fubite dans leur execution, & fi prompte dans leur
retraite, que d ordinaire Ton apprend pluftoft leur
d6part, que 1 on n a pu f9auoir leur venue. Us vien-
nent en renards dans les bois, qui les cachent, & qui
leur feruent de fort inexpugnable. Us attaquent en
lions ; & comme ils furprennent lors qu on y penfe
le moins, ils ne trouuent point de refiftance: ils
fuient en oifeaux, difparoiffans pluftoft qu ils ne
paroiffent. Vn pauure homme trauaillera tout le
iour proche de fa maifon, 1 ennemi qui eft cache" dans
la foreft toute voifme, fait fes approches, comme vn
chaffeur fait de fon [20] gibier, & decharge fon coup
en affeurance, lors que celuy qui le re9oit fe penfe
plus afTeure.

Or qu y a-t-il de plus aife h vne troupe de huit
cent, ou de mille Iroquois, que de fe refpandre par
dans les bois, tout le long de nos habitations Fran-
joifes, faire vn maffacre general, en vn mefme iour
vfant de cette furprife, tuant les hommes, & emme-
nant les femmes & les enfans captifs, comme ils ont
defia fouuent fait? ils pafleroient en plein midy
deuant Quebec, chargez de cette proie toute inno-
cente, que Ton ne pourroit pas ni courir apres eux,
ni recouurer les captifs de leurs mains, pour lefquels
il ne nous refteroit que des larmes inutiles: nos
chaloupes font trop pefantes, & leur canots font trop
legers pour les pouuoir atteindre: [21] outre que s il
y auoit quelque chofe a craindre pour eux, la nuit
leur feruiroit de voile pour f e defrober & nos yeux :
fe gliffant dans le bois, ou ils trouuent leur chemin
par tout, quoique pour des Fra^ois il n en paroiffe

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 197

ing any knowledge of their arrival. They come like
foxes through the woods, which afford them conceal
ment and serve them as an impregnable fortress.
They attack like lions, and, as their surprises are
made when they are least expected, they meet with
no resistance. They take flight like birds, disappear
ing before they have really appeared. A poor man
will work all day near his house ; the enemy, hidden
in the forest that is close at hand, steals upon him
like a hunter upon his [20] game, and deals his blow
in safety at the moment when its recipient deems
himself most secure.

Now, what is there easier, for a band of eight
hundred or a thousand Iroquois, than to scatter
through the woods along the entire line of our
French settlements and inflict a general massacre,
adopting this method of surprise all on the same day,
killing the men and leading away captive the women
and children, as they have often done already? They
would pass before Quebec in broad noonday, laden
with this most innocent prey; and no one could pur
sue them, or recover the prisoners from their hands,
over whom we could only weep unavailing tears.
Our shallops are too heavy and their canoes too light
to render possible our overtaking them. [21] And,
besides, if there should be anything for them to fear,
the night would serve them as a veil to conceal them
from our eyes; they would slip into the woods,
where they find their way everywhere, although to
a Frenchman there seems to be no path whatever;
and even though we should outnumber them, they
would be in a position of safety, and we would not
dare to follow them.

It is a kind of miracle that the Iroquois, although

198 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

aucun ; & quand mefme nous ferions en plus grand
nombre qu eux, ils y feroient en afleurance, & nous
n oferions pas les fuiure.

C eft vne efpece de miracle, que les Iroquois
pouuant fi aife ment nous deflruire, ils ne 1 aient pas
encore fait; ou pluftoft c eft vn prouidence de Dieu,
qui iufqu a maintenant les a aueuglez, & a rompu
les deffeins qu ils ont form6 de nous faire cette forte
de guerre. Encore cette anne"e, ils eftoient partis de
leurs pai s, au nombre de fept cent, pour cet effet;
1 alarme en eftoit li grande [22] icy vers le printemps
dernier, que les maifons de la campagne eftoient
abandonnees comme en proie a 1 ennemi, & tout le
monde fe croioit quali perdu, fi Monfieur le Vicomte
d Argenfon noftre Gouuerneur n euft ralTeur6 les
efprits par fon courage, & par fa fage conduite, met-
tant tous les poftes de Quebec en fi bon ordre, qu on
y fouhaittoit pluftoft 1 Iroquois que de 1 y craindre.
Pour le refte du pai s, nos habitations font li expo-
fe"es aux ennemis, que s ils n y ont point cauf6 vne
defolation generale, c eft que Dieu les a arreftez en
chemin; & quoy qu il en ait couft6 la vie a quelques-
vns de nos Fra^ois, toutefois le pai s s eftant con-
ferue, & demeurant en fon entier, nous auons pluftoft
fuiet de benir Dieu, que de nous [23] plaindre de nos
pertes.

Mais Dieu ne s eft pas oblige de continuer fur nous
cette prouidence, quali miraculeufe, qui aiant egale"
nos delirs, a furmonte nos efperances; & il femble
qu il n ait eu d autre deffein, que de nous faire fub-
lifter iufques au temps prefent, que la paix eftant
heureufement en France, 1 on pourra nous donner
fecours centre vn ennemi, qui s eft refolu enfin ou

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 195>

able to destroy us so easily, have not yet done so ;
or, rather, it is a providence of God, who has hitherto
blinded them, and foiled the plans which they have
formed for prosecuting this kind of war against us.
This year, they had again left their country for this
purpose, to the number of seven hundred ; and the
consequent alarm was so great [22] here, toward last
spring, that the country houses were abandoned as
prey to the enemy. All thought themselves as good
as lost, until Monsieur the Vicomte d Argenjon, our
Governor, reassured them by his courage and his
wise course of action putting all the posts of Que
bec in such good order that the Iroquois was rather
hoped for there than feared. As for the rest of the
country, our settlements are so exposed to the enemy
that, if they have not wrought general devastation
among them, it is because God has stayed their
course; and, although they have been the cause of
some loss of life to our French, still, the country
being preserved and continuing in its entirety, we
have reason rather to bless God than to [23] com
plain of our losses.

But God has not bound himself to continue over
us this almost miraculous providence, which has not
only equaled our desires but has exceeded our hopes ;
and he seems to have had no other design than to
assure our subsistence up to the present time, when,
peace being happily established in France, it will be
possible to send us aid against an enemy that has
finally resolved either to destroy us, or to perish in
the attempt. Our destruction would involve that of
a countless number of souls ; the destruction of the
enemy would give new life to this whole country
and cause here a reign of peace, the sweets of which

200 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

de nous perdre, ou d y perir. Noftre perte cauferoit
celle d vn nombre innombrable d ames; la fienne
feroit reuiure tout ce pai s, & y feroit regner la paix,
dont la France goufte a prefent les douceurs, & def-
quelles elle peut nous faire part fi elle veut. Qu elle
dife feulement ie le veux; & auec ce mot elle ouure
le Ciel a vne infinite de Sauuages, [24] elle donne la
vie a cette colonie, elle fe conferue fa nouuelle
France, & s aquiert vne gloire digne d vn Roiaume
tres-Chreftien, qui porte des Fils aifnez de 1 Eglife,
& des heritiers du grand S. Louis; heritiers, dis-ie,
non feulement de fa piete", mais encore de fes con-
queftes; puifque s il a autrefois plant6 les fleurs de
Lis dans le fein du Croiffant, ce ne fera pas auiour-
d huy vne conquefte moins glorieufe, d vne terre
d infidelle, en faire vne terre Sainte, & retirer la
terre Sainte des mains des infideles : encore vne fois,
que la France veiiille deftruire 1 Iroquois, il fera
deftruit; Car qu eft-ce que cet Iroquois, qui fait tant
parler de luy? deux Regimens de braues Soldats
1 auroit bien-toft terraffe? La plufpart de nos Gens,
plus accouftumez a manier [25] la houe que 1 ep^e,
n ont pas la refolution du Soldat. II y a quelque
temps que Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur donnant la
chaile a cet ennemi dans des chalouppes, fe voiant
proche du lieu ou il s 6toit retire", commanda qu on
mift pied a terre ; perfonne ne branfla : il f e iette le
premier a 1 eau iufques au ventre, tout le monde le
fuiuit. De bons Soldats auroient deuance leur Capi-
taine: nous efperons qu on nous en enuoira, & de
bons, puifque la Paix donne lieu d en choifir.

1 659 - 60] RELA T1ON OF i6 59 - to 201

France is now tasting, and can share with us if she
will. Let her only say, "I will;" and with the
word she opens Heaven to a host of Savages, [24]
gives life to this colony, preserves her new France,
and acquires a glory worthy of a most Christian
Kingdom, which bears elder Sons of the Church and
heirs of the great St. Louis, heirs are these not
only of his piety, but also of his conquests; since,
if in times past he planted the Lilies in the bosom
of the Crescent, it will at the present day be a no less
glorious conquest to make a Holy land of one that
is infidel, and to rescue the Holy land from the
possession of the infidels. Once more, let France
determine to destroy the Iroquois, and he will be
destroyed. For what is this Iroquois who causes
himself to be talked about so much? Two Regi
ments of brave Soldiers would very soon overthrow
him. Most of our Men, more used to handling [25]
the hoe than the sword, have not the Soldier s deter
mination. Some time ago, when Monsieur our
Governor was pursuing these enemies in shallops,
and found himself near the spot whither they had
retreated, he gave orders to disembark. No one
stirred ; he was the first to leap into the water, up to
his waist, and then all the rest followed him. Good
Soldiers would have preceded their Captain; and we
hope that such will be sent us, now that Peace makes
it possible to select them.

202 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

CHAPITRE II.

DE L ESTAT DU PAIS DES IROQUOIS, & DE LEURS

CRUAUTEZ.

CE qu vn Poete a dit de la fortune, que fon ieu
le plus [26] ordinaire, eft de brifer des fceptres,
mettre bas des couronnes, & en tournant fa
roue faire monter les vns fur le trofne par les mefmes
degrez par lefquels elle precipite les autres, Ludum
infolentem ludere pertinax; & ce que 1 Hiftoire nous
apprend du renuerfement des Eftats, du d6bris
des Republiques, & des reuolutions, qui ont fait fi
fouuent changer de face 1 Empire des Grecs, des
Perfes, des Remains & des autres nations, peut trou-
uer place icy, Jl parua licet componere magnis.

Cette aueugle inconftante ne laiffe pas de prendre
fes diuertiffemens dans des cabanes de Sauuages, &
parmi des forefts, auffi. bien.que dans les palais des
Rois, & au milieu des grandes Monarchies ; elle f9ait
ioiier fon ieu par tout, & par tout elle fait de fes [27]
coups, bien plus illuftres de vrai, quand ils tombent
fur 1 or & fur 1 efcarlate, que quand ils ne frappent
que fur des Eftats de bois, & ne ruinent que des
villes d e corce; mais apre"s tout elle eft egalement
fafcheufe aux vns & aux autres.

Des cinq peuples qui compofent toute la nation
Iroquoife, ceux que nous appellons les Agnieron-
nons, ont tant eft de fois au haut & au bas de la
rouS en moins de foixante ans, que nous trouuons

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 - 60 203

CHAPTER II.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY OF THE IRO-
QUOIS, AND OF THEIR CRUELTIES.

WHAT a Poet has said of fortune, that her
most customary game [26] is to break scep
ters, abase crowned heads, and, in rolling
her wheel, raise some to the throne by the same
movement whereby she casts others down, Ludum
insolent em ludere pertinax, and what History teaches
us of the overthrow of States, of the downfall of
Republics, and of the revolutions that have so often
changed the face of the Empires of the Greeks,
Persians, Romans, and other nations, may be applied
here, si par v a licet componere magnis.

This blind and fickle dame does not refrain from
taking her diversion in Savages cabins and amid
forests, as well as in Kings palaces and in the midst
of great Monarchies. She can play her game every
where, and everywhere she deals her [27] blows,
which in truth are more remarkable when they fall
on gold and scarlet than when they strike only States
of wood and destroy only towns of bark. But, after
all, she causes equal vexation to both classes.

Of the five tribes constituting the entire Iroquois
nation, that which we call the Agnieronnons has
been so many times at both the top and the bottom
of the wheel, within less than sixty years, that we
find in history few examples of similar revolutions.
Insolent in disposition, and truly warlike, they have

204 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

dans les hiftoires peu d exemples de pareilles reuolu-
tions. Comme ils font infolens de leur naturel, &
vraiement belliqueux, ils ont eu h de"mefler auec tons
leurs voifms; auec les Abnaquiois, qu ils ont vers
1 Orient; auec les Andaftogehronnons vers le midy,
peuple qui habite les coftes de la [28] Virginie; auec
les Hurons au Couchant, & auec toutes les Nations
Algonkines eparfes dans toutes les parties du Nord.
Nous ne pouuons pas remonter bien haut dans la
recherche de ce qui s eft paffe parmi eux, puifqu ils
n ont point d autres Bibliotheques que la memoire
des vieillards, & peut-eftre n y treuuerions-nous rien
qui meritaft le iour. Ce que nous apprenons done
de ces liures viuans, eft que vers la fin du dernier
fiecle, les Agnieronnons ont efte reduits fi bas par les
Algonkins, qu il n en paroiffoit prefque plus fur la
terre; que neantmoins ce peu qui reftoit, comme
vn germe genereux auoit tellement pouff6 en peu
d annees, qu il auoit reduit reciproquement les Algon-
quins aux mefmes termes que luy ; mais [29] cet eftat
n a pas dure" long-temps, car les Andaftogehronnons
leur firent li bonne guerre pendant dix annees,
qu ils furent renuerfez pour la feconde fois, & la
nation en fut prefque efteinte, du moins tellement
humili6e, que le nom feulement d Algonkin les
faifoit fremir, & fon ombre fembloit les pourfuiure
iufques dans leurs foiers,

C eftoit au temps que les Hollandois s emparerent
de ces coftes-la, & qu ils prirent gouft au caftor de
ces peuples, il y a quelques trente ans : & pour les
gagner dauantage, ils leur fournirent des armes a feu,
auec lefquelles il leur fut aif6 de vaincre leurs vain-
queurs, qu ils mettoient en fuite, & qu ils rempliffoient

1659 - 60J RELA TION OF ib^g - 60 205

had to fight with all their neighbors, with the
Abnaquiois, who are Eastward of them ; on the south,
with the Andastogehronnons, a people inhabiting the
shores of [28] Virginia; with the Hurons on the
West ; and with all the Algonkin Nations scattered
throughout the North. We cannot go back very far
in our researches in their past history, as they have
no Libraries other than the memory of their old
men ; and perhaps we should find nothing worthy of
publication. What we learn then from these living
books is that, toward the end of the last century, the
Agnieronnons were reduced so low by the Algonkins
that there seemed to be scarcely any more of them
left on the earth. Nevertheless, this scanty remnant,
like a noble germ, so increased in a few years as to
reduce the Algonquins in turn to the same condition
as its own. But [29] this condition did not last long;
for the Andastogehronnons waged such energetic
warfare against them during ten years that they were
overthrown for the second time and their nation
rendered almost extinct, or at least so humiliated that
the mere name Algonkin made them tremble, and
his shadow seemed to pursue them to their very
firesides.

That was at the time when the Dutch took posses
sion of these regions and conceived a fondness for
the beavers of the natives, some thirty years ago ;
and in order to secure them in greater number they
furnished those people with firearms, with which it
was easy for them to conquer their conquerors, whom
they put to rout, and filled with terror at the mere
sound of their guns. And that is what has rendered
them formidable [30] everywhere, and victorious
over all the Nations with whom they have been at

206 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

de fraieur au feul bruit de leurs fufils; & c eft
ce qui les a rendus formidables [30] par tout, & vidto-
rieux de toutes les Nations, auec lefquelles ils ont
eu guerre : c eft ce qui leur a mis dans la tefte cet
efprit de monarchic, y afpirant tout barbares qu ils
font, & aians le coeur fl haut, qu ils penfent & qu ils
difent que leur deftrudtion ne peut arriuer, qu elle
ne traifne apres foy le bouleuerfement de toute la
terre.

Et ce qui eft plus eftonnant, c eft que de fait ils
dominent & cinq cent lieues a la ronde, eftans neant-
moins en fort petit nombre: car des cinq Nations
dontl Iroquois eft compofe, 1 Agnieronnon ne compte
pas plus de cinq cent homines portans armes, dans
trois ou quatre mefchans Villages.

L Onnei^theronnon n en a pas cent; 1 Onnonta-
gehronnon [31] & 1 Oiogoenhronon trois cent chacun,
& le Sononttfaehronon, qui eft le plus eloign6 de
nous, & le plus peuple, n a pas plus de mille combat-
tans; & qui feroit la fupputation des francs Iroquois,
atiroit de la peine d en trouuer plus de douze cent
en toutes les cinq Nations, parce que le plus grand
nombre n eft compofe que d vn ramas de diuers
peuples qu ils ont conqueftez, comme des Hurons, des
Tionnontatehronnons, autrement Nation du Petun;
des Atitfendaronk, qu on appelloit Neutres quand ils
eftoient fur pied; Riquehronnons, qui font ceux de
la Nation des Chats ; des OntHagannha, ou Nation du
feu; des Trak&aehronnons, & autres; qui, tout Eftran-
gers qu ils font, font fans doute la plus grande & la
meilleure partie des Iroquois.

[32] C eft done merueille que fi peu de monde faffe
de fi grands degafts, & fe rende fi redoutable a tant

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 - 60 207

war; it has also put into their heads that idea of
sovereign sway to which they aspire, mere barbarians
although they are, with an ambition so lofty that
they think and say that their own destruction cannot
occur without bringing in its train the downfall of
the whole earth.

But what is more astonishing is, that they actually
hold dominion for five hundred leagues around,
although their numbers are very small ; for, of the
five Nations constituting the Iroquois, the Agnieron-
nons do not exceed five hundred men able to bear
arms, who occupy three or four wretched Villages.

The Onneioutheronnons have not a hundred war
riors; the Onnontagehronnons [31] and Oiogoenhro-
nons have three hundred each, and the Sonontwae-
hronons, who are the farthest removed from us and
the most populous, have not more than a thousand
combatants. If any one should compute the number
of pure-blooded Iroquois, he would have difficulty in
finding more than twelve hundred of them in all the
five Nations, since these are, for the most part, only
aggregations of different tribes whom they have con
quered, as the Hurons; the Tionnontatehronnons,
otherwise called the Tobacco Nation; the Atiwen-
daronk, called the Neutrals when they were still
independent; the Riquehronnons, who are the Cat
Nation; the Ontwagannhas, or fire Nation; the
Trakwaehronnons, and others, who, utter Foreign
ers although they are, form without doubt the largest
and best part of the Iroquois.

[32] It is therefore a marvel that so few people
work such great havoc and render themselves so
redoubtable to so large a number of tribes, who, on
all sides, bow before this conqueror.

208 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [ VOL. 45

de peuples qui plient de tons coftez fous ce vainqueur.
II eft vray qu ils ont fait des coups de coeur, & fe
font fignalez en certains rencontres autant qu on
pourroit 1 efperer des plus braues guerriers d Europe.
Pour eflre fauuages, ils ne laiffent pas de fjauoir fort
bien la guerre, mais c eft d ordinaire celle des
Parthes, qui donnerent autrefois tant de peines aux
Remains, les combattant iuftement de la fa9on que
les Sauuages nous combattent. Sur tout les Agnie-
ronnons ont toufiours excelle" en ce genre de guerre,
& mefme quelquefois en celle qui ne demande que
du courage: ils ont force deux mille hommes de la
Nation du [33] Chat dans leurs propres retranche-
mens; & quoiqu ils ne fuffent que fept cent, ils ont
pourtant franchi la paliilade ennemie, y appliquant
vne contre-paliffade, de laquelle ils fe feruoient
comme de boucliers & d efchelles, pour efcalader le
fort, effuiant la grefle des fufils, qui tomboit fur eux
de tous coftez; & quoiqu on dife, que comme il n y
a point de Soldats plus furieux qu eux, quand ils
font en arme e, auffi ne s en treuue-t-il point de plus
poltrons quand ils ne font qu en petites bandes, dont
la gloire eft de cafler quelques tefles, & d enleuer les
cheuelures. Ils n ont pas laiffe" de faire paroiftre en
quelques occafions que le courage des particuliers
alloit iufqu a la temerite" ; comme quand vn d eux fut
pendant la nuit a la porte d vne [34] bourgade Hu-
ronne, fe cachant dans vn tas d ordures, d ou il parut
foudain au point du iour fuiuant, comme vn homme
reffufcite", fe iettant fur le premier venu, & s en-
fuiant, apr6s luy auoir caffe" la tefte tres-inopine ment.
Deux autres fe monftrerent encore plus genereux.
A la faueur des tenebres de la nuit ils approcheret

1659-60] RELATIO N OF 1639-60 209

It is true, they have performed some valiant deeds,
and have, on certain occasions, distinguished
themselves as highly as could be expected from the
bravest warriors of Europe. Savages although they
are, they still understand warfare very well ; but it is
usually that of the Parthians, who gave the Romans
of old so much trouble, fighting them just as the
Savages fight us. The Agnieronnons especially
have always excelled in this kind of warfare, and
sometimes even in that which demands courage only.
They defeated two thousand men of the [33] Cat
Nation in the latter s own intrenchments ; and,
although they were only seven hundred in number,
they nevertheless climbed the enemy s palisade,
employing against it a counter-palisade which they
used, in place of shields and ladders, to scale the
fortress, receiving the hail of shot that fell on them
from every direction. It is said of them that, while
there are no Soldiers more furious than they when
they form an army, so there are none more cowardly
when they are only in small bands, whose glory it
is to break a number of heads and carry off the
scalps. Yet they have not failed to demonstrate, on
several occasions, that the courage of individuals
went even to the point of rashness, as when one
of them passed the night at the entrance to a [34]
Huron village, hiding in a dunghill; thence he
suddenly emerged at dawn of the following day, like
a man risen from the dead, and hurled himself upon
the first comer, taking flight again after breaking his
head in this most unexpected manner. Two others
showed themselves still braver. Under cover of the
darkness, they stealthily approached a sentry post,
where careful watch was being kept after the manner

210 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

fecrettement d vne guerite, ou Ton faifoit bon guet
a la fafon des Sauuages, qui eft de chanter & pleine
tefte pendant toute la nuit. Aiant done laiffe crier
affez long-temps la fentinelle, vn des deux monta
adroitement fur la guerite, de"chargea vn coup de
hache fur le premier qu il rencontra, & aiant iette
1 autre par terre, il fe donna le loifir de le tuer, & de
luy enleuer la peau de la tefte, comme le plus beau
trophee de fa vidtoire. [35] L an paffe vn Agnieron-
non entreprit tout feul la guerre de Tadouffac, faifant
vn voiage de deux & trois cent lieues, courant feul par
mer & par terre, pour chercher vn Algonkin fon
ennemi, qu il tua enfin de fa propre main, quafi dans
le fein des Francois & d vn bon nombre de Sauuages:
il eft vrai qu il y perdit la vie, mais ce fut en les
brauant, & en faifant fa retraite comme vne pour-
menade; orgueil qui luy caufa la mort.

Mais ces traits de generofite ne fe treuuent pas en
tous les Iroquois; la fourbe y eft bien plus commune
que le courage, & la cruaute plus grande encore que
la fourbe; & Ton peut dire, que fi les Iroquois ont
quelque puiffance, ce n eft que parce qu ils font ou
fourbes, ou cruels. Tous les traitez que nous auons
faits auec [36] eux, font tefmoins de leurs perfidies,
puif qu ils ne nous ont iamais garde aucune des
paroles qu ils nous ont fi fouuent & fi folennellement
iurees; & pour la cruaute", ie ferois rougir ce papier,
& les oreilles fremiroient fi ie rapportois les horribles
traitemens que les Agnieronnons ont fait fur quel-
ques captifs. On en a parle" de vrai dans les autres
relations, mais ce que nous en auons appris de nou-
ueau eft fi eftrange, que tout ce qu on en a dit n eft
rien : Ie les paffe, non feulement parce que ma plume

1659 - e-0 RELA TION OF ib 59 - bo

of the Savages, which is to sing at the top of one s
voice all night long. When they had allowed the
sentry to shout for a considerable time, one of the
two nimbly mounted the seaitry post, and delivered
a blow with his hatchet upon the first man whom he
encountered; then, throwing the other to the ground,
he took his leisure to kill him and remove the scalp
from his head, as the noblest trophy of his victory.
[35] Last year, an Agnieronnon went all alone to war
against Tadoussac; he accomplished a journey of
two or three hundred leagues, making his way alone
by sea and land, to find an Algonkin who was his
enemy and whom he killed at last with his own hand,
almost in the very midst of the French and of a large
body of Savages. It is true, he lost his life in
the act ; but he lost it in defying them and in making
his retreat as if he were walking for pleasure, a
haughtiness that caused his death.

But these traits of bravery are not found in all the
Iroquois ; knavery is much more common with them
than courage, and their cruelty far exceeds their
knavery ; and it may be said that, if the Iroquois have
any power, it is only because they are either knavish
or cruel. All the treaties that we have made with
[36] them are proofs of their perfidy ; for they have
never kept a single one of the promises that they
have so often and so solemnly sworn to us. And as
for cruelty, I would make this paper blush, and my
listeners would shudder, if I related the horrible
treatment inflicted by the Agnieronnons upon some
of their captives. This has indeed been mentioned
in the other relations; but what we have recently
learned is so strange that all that has been said on
the subject is nothing. I pass over these matters,

212 LES RELATIONS DES JESVITES [VOL. 45

n a pas d ancre affez noire pour les decrire, mais
bien plus de peur de faire horreur par la ledture de
certaines cruautez dont les fiecles paffez n ont iamais
entendu parler.

Ce n eft que gentilleffe parmi eux de cerner le
poulce a leurs captifs [37] vers la premiere iointure,
puis le tordant 1 arracher de force auec le nerf, qui
fe rompt d ordinaire vers le coulde, ou proche de
1 efpaule, tant eft grande la violence dont ils vfent;
ce poulce ainfi tire auec fon nerf, ils le pendent a
1 oreille du patient en forme de pendant d oreille, ou
luy mettent au col au lieu de carquat; puis ils feront
le mefme a vn autre doit, & a vn troiliefme ; & au
lieu de ces doits arrachez, ils fourrent dans la plaie
des efquilles de bois dur, qui font des douleurs
toutes autres que les premieres, quoi qu exceffmes,
& caufent en vn moment vne grande inflammation,
& vne enfleure prodigieufe en toute la main, & mefme
en tout le bras. Quad il n y auroit que ce premier
ieu, n eft-ce pas auec raifon que les Franois de ce
pai s-cy demandent [38] depuis vn fi long-temps la
deflrudtion d vn ennemi fi cruel? puifqu apres tout,
cinq ou fix cent hommes ne font pas pour refifter a
vne entreprife genereufe, fi on la fait telle que la
gloire de Dieu, & la compaffion que Ton doit auoir
pour eux, le demande. Les Iroquois font de 1 hu-
meur des femmes, il n y a rien de plus courageux
quand on ne leur fait point refiftance; rien de
plus poltron, quand on leur tient tefte; ils fe moc-
quent des Franjois, parce qu ils ne les ont iamais
veus en guerre en leurs pai s; & les Franois n y ont
iamais efte, parce qu ils ne 1 ont iamais tente, ayant
cru iufqu a prefent les chemins plus infurmontables

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF f6j 9 -6o 213

not only because my pen has no ink black enough to
describe them, but much more from a fear of inspir
ing horror by recounting certain cruelties never
heard of in past ages.

It is only a neat trick with them to make a cut
around the thumb of a captive, [37] near the first
joint ; and then, twisting it, to pull it off by main
strength, together with the sinew, which usually
breaks toward the elbow or near the shoulder, so
great is the violence employed. The thumb, thus
removed with its sinew, is hung to the sufferer s ear
like an ear-pendant, or attached to his neck in place
of a carcanet. Then they will do the same with a
second and a third finger, while, to replace the fingers
that have been pulled off, they force into the wounds
splinters of hard wood, which cause pains quite
different from the foregoing, although excessive,
and very soon produce a great inflammation and a
huge swelling of the entire hand and even of the
whole arm. Even if this first game were all, is it
not with reason that the French of this country have
so long asked [38] the destruction of so cruel an
enemy? since, after all, five or six hundred men are
unable to withstand a courageous undertaking, if it
be executed in such manner as the glory of God and
the compassion due to them demand. The Iroquois
have the disposition of women ; there are none more
courageous when no resistance is offered them, and
none more cowardly when they encounter opposi
tion. They deride the French, because they have
never seen them wage war in their country ; and the
French have never done so because they have never
made the attempt, hitherto believing the roads
more difficult to pass than they really are. With our

214 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

qu ils ne font. Dans la connoiffance que nous auons
de ces barbares, & aiant veu quand nous eftions parmi
[39] eux, comme la fraieur fe met par tout quand ils
f e voient attaquez chez eux ; on peut dire auec toute
affeurance, que fi vne arm6e de cinq cent Fran9ois y
arriuoit inopinement, elle pourroit dire, Veni, vidi,
vici.

I ay dit qu il n y auoit que cinq ou fix cent homines
a deftruire ; car il eft hors de doute que li les Agnie-
ronnons eftoient defaits par les Francois, les autres
Nations Iroquoifes feroient heureufes d entrer en
competition auec nous, & nous donner leurs enfans
pour oftages de leurs fidelite. Et pour lors ces belles
Millions fe renouuelleroient dans Onnontague, dans
Oiogoen, & par toutes les autres Nations Iroquoifes
qui refteroient: chez lefquelles nous auons defia iette"
les premieres femences de la foy, qui ont efte" ii [40]
bien receues par le menu peuple, que fans nous defier
de la Prouidence diuine, nous ne deuons pas defef-
perer d en recueillir vn iour des fruits tres-abondans.
De plus, la grande porte feroit ouuerte pour tant
d anciennes & nouuelles millions vers les peuples du
Nord, & vers ceux du Couchant nouuellement decou-
uerts, que nous comprenons tous fous le nom general
d Algonquins. Mais c eft vne trop ample matiere,
qui demande vn Chapitre a part.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF ,639 - bo 215

present knowledge of these barbarians, having
seen, when we were in [39] their midst, how alarm
was everywhere felt when they beheld themselves
attacked in their own country, it may be said with
full assurance that, if an army of five hundred
Frenchmen should arrive unexpectedly, it could say,
Veni, vidi, vici.

I have stated that there are only five or six hun
dred men to destroy ; for it is beyond doubt that, if
the Agnieronnons were defeated by the French, the
other Iroquois Nations would be glad to compromise
with us, and give us their children as hostages of
their good faith. Then those fair Missions would be
revived at Onnontague, at Oiogoen, and in all the
other remaining Iroquois Nations, among whom we
have already sown the first seeds of the faith. These
have been so [40] well received by the common
people that we may not, without distrusting the
divine Providence, despair of >one day reaping there
from very abundant fruits. Moreover, the great
door would be open for so many old and new
missions toward the tribes of the North, and toward
those newly discovered ones of the West, all of
whom we embrace under the general name of Algon-
quins. But it is a subject of too wide a scope and
demands a separate Chapter.

216 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

CHAP[I]TRE III.

DE L ESTAT DU PAIS DES ALGONQUINS, & DE QUELQUES
NOUUELLES DECOUUERTES.

IE ne puis exprimer plus nettement 1 eftat des
Nations de la langue Algonkine, que par le [41]
limple narre" des connoiffances qu en a en vn de
nos Peres, qui a efte cette anne"e dans le Saguenay
Riuiere de Tadouffac, felon les rencontres que la
Prouidence luy a prefente"es en ce voiage.

Comme ces Nations font infiniment eftendues dans
cinq ou fix cent lieues de forefts qui regardent le
Septentrion, il les diftingue en trois; en celles qui
tirent vers 1 Orient, celles qui habitent les parties les
plus recule"es du Couchant, & celles du Nord qui font
entre les vnes & les autres. II ne dit rien de celles
du Leuant, qui n ait efte" couche" dans les Relations
precedentes; voicy comme il parle des deux autres.

Le trentie"me luillet de l anne"e mil fix cent foixante
eftant monte dans le Saguene a trente-deux lieues
de Tadouffac, i y trouuai [42] quatre-vingts Sauuages,
& parmi eux vn nomine" Atfatanik, homme conflde-
rable pour la qualite qu il porte de Capitaine, & bien
plus pour auoir receu le faint Baptefme, il y a dix
ans, dans le pai s des Nipifiriniens. II femble que
le glorieux Archange dont il porte le nom, a pris
plaifir de conduire cet homme comme par la main, &
nous 1 amener ici, pour nous de"couurir le chemin
qui nous peut conduire iufques a la mer du Nord,
ou diuerfes Nations Algonquines fe font confine es,

1659-60] RELA TION OF 1659- 60 217

CHAPTER III.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE ALGONQUIN COUNTRY, AND
OF SOME NEW DISCOVERIES.

I CANNOT more clearly describe the condition of
the Nations of the Algonkin tongue than by
giving the [41] simple account of what one of
our Fathers has learned about them, who has been,
this year, on the Saguenay River of Tadoussac, as
Providence gave him opportunities for this during
that journey.

As those Nations are very widely extended over
five or six hundred leagues of forest, facing toward
the North, he divides them into three groups, those
extending toward the East, those dwelling in the
uttermost parts of the West, and those of the North,
lying between the two others. Of those of the East
he says nothing that has not been given in the
preceding Relations; of the two other groups he
speaks as follows.

" On the thirtieth of July of the year one thousand
six hundred and sixty, ascending the Saguen6 to
the distance of thirty-two leagues from Tadoussac, I
encountered [42] eighty Savages; and among them
was one named Awatanik, a man of importance
because he was a Captain in rank, and much more so
because he had received holy Baptism ten years
before in the country of the Nipisiriniens. The
glorious Archangel, whose name he bears, seems to
have taken pleasure in leading this man, as if by the

218

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

fuiant 1 Iroquois, qui nous empefche auffi de les aller
chercher par le chemin ordinaire de la grande
Riuiere. le rapporte les diuerfes routes, & quelques
incidens de fon voiage.

II partit au mois de luin de 1 annee mil fix cent
cinquante-huit, [43] du lac des Oiiinipegouek, qui
n eft proprement qu vne grande baye de celuy des
Hurons; d autres 1 appellent le lac des puans, non
qu il foit fale comme 1 eau de la Mer, que les Sau-
uages appellent Oiiinipeg, c eft k dire eaupuante:
mais pource qu il eft enuironne de terres enfouffr6es,
d ou fortent quelques fources qui portent dans ce lac
la malignite que leurs eaux ont contradtees aux lieux
de leur naiffance.

II paffa le refte de cet efte & de 1 hiuer fuiuant
pre"s le lac que nous appellons Superieur, a caufe
qu eftant au deffus de celui des Hurons, il s y
de"charge par vn fault qui luy a auffi donne fon nom :
& puifque noftre voiageur s y arrefle quelque temps,
faifons-y quelque paufe auec luy, [44] pour en remar-
quer les raretez.

Ce lac qui porte plus de quatre-vingt lieues de
long fur quarante de large en certains endroits, eft
feme" d lnes qui le couurent agreablement proche des
terres ; fon riuage eft horde* tout a 1 entour de Nations
Algonkines, ou la crainte des Iroquois leur a fait
chercher vn afile. II eft auffi enrichi dans tous fes
bordages, de mines de plomb prefque tout form6 ; de
cuiure fi excellent, qu il s en treuue de tout rafin< en
morceaux gros comme le poingt; de gros rochers
qui ont des veines entieres de turquoifes. On veut
mefme nous perfuader, qu il eft groffi de diuers
ruiffeaux, qui roulent auec le fable quantite de petite

1659 - 60J RELA TION OF 1659 ~ 6 219

hand, and conducting him here to us, to show us the
way which will take us to the North sea --where
various Algonquin Nations have sought a retreat,
fleeing from the Iroquois, who also prevents us from
going in search of them by the ordinary route of the
great River. I will give an account of the various
routes, and some incidents of his journey.

" He started, in the month of June of the year
one thousand six hundred and fifty-eight, [43] from
the lake of the Ouinipegouek, which is strictly
only a large bay in lake Huron. It is called by
others, the lake of the stinkards, not because it is
salt like the water of the Sea, which the Savages
call Ouinipeg, or stinking water, - -but because it
is surrounded by sulphurous soil, whence issue sev
eral springs which convey into this lake the impuri
ties absorbed by their waters in the places of their

1Q

origin. M

He passed the remainder of that summer and the
following winter near the lake which we call Superior,
from its position above that of the Hurons, into which
it empties by a waterfall that has also given it its
name; and, as our traveler halted there for some
time, let us pause a while with him [44] to note the
peculiarities of the place.

" This lake, which is more than eighty leagues
long by forty wide in certain places, is studded with
Islands picturesquely distributed along its shores.
The whole length of its coast is lined with Algonkin
Nations, fear of the Iroquois having forced them to
seek there an asylum. It is also enriched in its entire
circumference with mines of lead in a nearly pure
state ; with copper of such excellence that pieces as
large as one s fist are found, all refined; and with

220 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

pailles d or, qui font comme les reiettons de la mine
voifme. Ce qui nous inuite a le croire, [45] c eft
que lors qu on fouilla les fondemens de la Chappelle
faint lofeph, fur les riues du lac des Hurons, qui
n eft qu vne decharge du lac Superieur, les ouuriers
treuuerent vne veine groffe comme le bras, de ces
paillettes d or; le fable, dont cette veine eftoit
meflee, fe treuuoit en fi petite quantite, qu il eftoit
comme imperceptible en comparaifon du refte. Mais
les ouuriers, qui f9auoient d ailleurs qu en ces quar-
tiers-lk il y auoit des mines de cuiure, & s eftant
perfuadez que c eftoit d vne mine de laton, (ignorans
que le laton fuft vn compofe,) remplirent les fonde
mens qu ils auoient creufez, fans fgauoir qu ils y
renfermoient vn threfor.

Mais voicy des richeffes d vne autre nature. Les
Sauuages qui habitent [46] la pointe de ce lac la plus
eloignee de nous, nous ont donne des lumieres toutes
fraifches, & qui ne de"plairont pas aux curieux, tou-
chant le chemin du lapon, & de la Chine, dont on a
fait tant de recherche. Car nous apprenons de ces
peuples, qu ils treuuent la Mer de trois cofhez; du
cofte du Sud, du cofte du Couchant, & du cofte du
Nord; de forte que fi cela eft, c eft vn grand preiuge"
& vn indice bien certain, que ces trois Mers fe treu-
uant ainfi contigues, ne font proprement qu vne
Mer, qui eft celle de la Chine ; puifque celle du Sud,
qui eft la mer Pacifique, qu on connoift affez, eftant
continuee iufqu k la mer du Nord, qui eft pareille-
ment connue par vne troifieme Mer, qui eft celle
dont on eft en peine ; [47] on ne peut plus f ouhaitter,
que le traiet dans cette grande mer Occidentale &
Orientale tout enfemble.

1659 -60J RELATION OF 1659-60 221

great rocks, having whole veins of turquoise. The
people even strive to make us believe that its waters
are swollen by various streams which roll along with
the sand grains of gold in abundance the refuse,
so to speak, of the neighboring mines. 20 What
inclines us to believe this [45] is that, when the
foundations of saint Joseph s Chapel were dug on
the shore of lake Huron, which is nothing but the
discharge of lake Superior, the workmen found a
vein, as large as one s arm, of these grains of gold,
the sand that was mixed with the vein being so little
in quantity as to be almost imperceptible in compari
son with the rest. But the workmen, who knew that
there were mines of copper in those regions, being
persuaded that it was from a brass mine (in ignorance
that brass is a composition), filled in the foundations
which they had dug, without knowing that they
were sealing up a treasure there.

" But there are riches of another nature. The
Savages dwelling about [46] that end of the lake
which is farthest distant from us, have given us
entirely new light, which will not be displeasing to
the curious, touching the route to Japan and China,
for which so much search has been made. For we
learn from these peoples that they find the Sea on
three sides, toward the South, toward the West, and
toward the North ; so that, if this is so, it is a strong
argument and a very certain indication that these
three Seas, being thus contiguous, form in reality
but one Sea, which is that of China. For, that of
the South, which is the Pacific sea and is well enough
known, being connected with the North sea, which
is equally well known, by a third Sea, the one about
which we are in doubt, [47] there remains nothing

222 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Or nous fauons que du bout du lac Superieur,
dont ie viens de parler, tirant au Sud, apres enuiron
trois cent lieues, on treuue la baye du S. Efprit, qui
eft a trente degrez de latitude, & deux cent quatre-
vingts de longitude, dans le Golfe de Mexique, en
la cofte de la Floride ; & de la mefme extremite du
lac Superieur tirant au Soroiiefl ; il y a enuiron deux
cent lieues iufqu a vn autre lac qui a fa de"charge
dans la mer Vermeille, cofte de la nouuelle Grenade
dans la grande Mer du Sud: & c eft de 1 vn de ces
deux coftez que les Sauuages qui font & quelque
foixante lieues plus k 1 Occident de noftre lac Supe
rieur, [48] ont des marchandifes d Europe, & mefme
difent auoir veu des Europeans.

En outre, de ce mefme lac Superieur, fuiuant vne
Riuiere vers le Nord, on arriue, apres huit ou dix
iourne"es, a la baye de Hudfon, h la hauteur de cin-
quante-cinq degrez ; & de ce lieu, tirant au Noroiieft,
il y a enuiron quarante lieues par terre iufques a la
Baye de Button, ou eft le port de Melfon a cinquante-
fept degrez de latitude, & deux cent feptante de
longitude, d oii Ton ne doit compter que mil quatre
cent vingt lieues iufqu au lapon, n y ayant de diftance
que feptante & vn degrez d vn grand cercle. Ces
deux Mers done du Sud & du Nord eftant connues,
il ne refte plus que celle du Couchant, qui ioigne
1 vne & 1 autre, pour n en [49] faire qu vne des trois;
& c eft la nouuelle connoiflance que nous auons eue
par le moyen d vne Nation, qui eftant enuiron au
quarante-feptieme degre" de latitude, & a deux cent
feptante & trois de longitude, nous aileure qu & dix
iournees vers 1 Oiieft fe trouue la Mer, qui ne peut
eftre autre que celle que nous recherchons ; ce qui

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659- 60 223

more to be desired than the passage into this great
sea, at once a Western and an Eastern sea.

" Now we know that, proceeding Southward for
about three hundred leagues from the end of lake
Superior, of which I have just spoken, we come to
the bay of St. Esprit, 21 which lies on the thirtieth
degree of latitude and the two hundred and eightieth
of longitude, in the Gulf of Mexico, on the coast of
Florida ; and in a Southwesterly direction from the
same extremity of lake Superior, it is about two
hundred leagues to another lake, which empties into
the Vermilion sea on the coast of new Grenada, in
the great South Sea. It is from one of these two
coasts that the Savages who live some sixty leagues
to the West of our lake Superior [48] obtain Euro
pean goods, and they even say that they have seen
some Europeans there.

" Moreover, from this same lake Superior, follow
ing a River toward the North, we arrive, after eight
or ten days journey, at Hudson bay, in fifty-five
degrees of latitude. From this place, in a North
westerly direction, it is about forty leagues by land
to Button Bay, where lies port Melson, 22 on the fifty-
seventh degree of latitude and the two hundred and
seventieth of longitude ; the distance thence to Japan
is to be reckoned at only one thousand four hundred
and twenty leagues, there being only seventy-one
degrees of a great circle intervening. These two
Seas, then, of the South and of the North, being
known, there remains only that of the West, which
joins them, to [49] make only one from the three ;
and it is the fresh knowledge that we have gained
from a Nation which, being situated at about the
forty-seventh degree of latitude and the two hundred

224 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

nous fait iuger que toute 1 Amerique Septentrionnale,
eftant ainfi enuironne e de la mer au Leuant, au Sud,
au Couchant, & an Nord, doit eflre fepar6e de la
Groeflande par quelque traiet, dont on a defia de"cou-
uert vne bonne partie, & qu il ne tient plus qu a
pouffer encore de quelques degrez, pour entrer tout a
fait dans la mer du lapon. Ce qui ne fe doit tenter,
pour paffer le deftroit de Hudfon, qu aux [50] mois
d Aouft & de Septembre, pendant lefquels feulemet
ce paffage eft moins engage de glaces.

Mais en voilk affez pour le prefent, fi 1 Iroquois le
permet, nous pourrons bien nous aller e"claircir plus
nettement de cette d6couuerte, qui n eftant connue
que par le moien des Sauuages, ne nous donne pas
toutes les connoiffances que nous delirerions. Sui-
uons noftre guide, qui apre"s auoir hiuerne" au lieu
que ie viens de decrire, en partit le Printemps fui-
uant, & marchant a petites iourne es, caufe de fa
famille qui le fuiuoit, arriua apres auoir fait quelque
cent lieue s de chemin, a la grande baye du Nord, le
long de laquelle il trouua diuerfes Nations Algon-
kines, qui fe font placets fur le riuage de cette mer.

[51] Cette baye eft celle de Hudfon, dont nous
venons de parler ; au milieu de laquelle noftre Sau-
uage a veu vne grande Ifle, qui prend fon nom des
Ours blancs, dont elle eft habite e ; ce font des ani-
maux plus aquatiques que terreftres, puifqu ils ne
quittent que rarement la mer, & qu ils viuent pour
1 ordinaire de poiffon, au lieu que les Ours noirs ne
fe nourriflent ordinairement que de chair, & ne quit-
tent point la terre. Les mets les plus frians des
Ours blancs, outre les Outardes aufquelles ils font la
guerre auffi induftrieufement que les hommes les plus

1659 - 60] R EL A TION OF 1659 ~ 6 225

and seventy-third of longitude, assures us that ten
days journey Westward lies the Sea, which can be
no other than the one we are looking for, it is this
knowledge that makes us believe that the whole of
North America, being thus surrounded by the sea on
the East, South, West, and North, must be separated
from Groeslande [Greenland] by some strait, of which
a good part has already been discovered ; and that it
only remains now to push on some degrees farther,
to enter nothing less than the Japan sea. In order
to make the passage of Hudson strait, this is to be
attempted only in the [50] months of August and
September; for, during these months only, the
passage is less blocked with ice.

" But enough of this for the present. If the
Iroquois permit, we shall be fully able to go and
enlighten ourselves more clearly concerning this
discovery, which, being known to us only through
the medium of Savages, does not give us all the
information we might desire. Let us follow our
guide, who, after wintering in the place I have just
described, left it in the following Spring. Advanc
ing by short stages because of his family, who
accompanied him, after covering about a hundred
leagues distance, he arrived at the great bay of the
North, along which he found various Algonkin
Nations who have settled on the shores of that sea.

[51] "This bay is Hudson bay, of which we have
just been speaking. In the middle of it our Savage
saw a large Island which takes its name from the
white Bears inhabiting it. These are water rather
than land animals, since they leave the sea but
rarely, and generally live on fish, whereas black
Bears feed usually only on flesh, and do not leave

226 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

experimentez, font les petits Balenaux, qu ils pour-
fuiuent fans ceffe; mais ce n eft pas fans danger de
tomber dans la gueule des grandes Baleines, qui par
vne antipathic [52] naturelle deuorent reciproque-
ment ceux, par qui leurs petits font deuorez. S il
arriue quelquefois que ces Ours blancs s eftant
amaffez vers le Printemps, foient enleuez en haute
mer, portez fur quelque glace qui fe de"tache du
riuage vers le mois de luin; c eft pour lors qu il fait
beau voir ces nouueaux Argonautes voguer au gr<
des vents & des tempeftes, & difputer leur vie centre
la faim, qui les preile fur ces glaces flottantes, ou
centre les Baleines, qui les attendent pour les deuo-
rer, lors que la faim les oblige de fe ietter a 1 eau,
pour y pefcher des loups ou des chiens marins. Us
paffent fouuent les mois entiers en cette perilleufe
nauigation, iufqu a ce qu enfin, par bon-heur, leur
vaiffeau faffe naufrage, en s echoiiant [53] fur quel
que cofte; car c eft pour lors que ces animaux tout
affamez fautent a terre, & recompenfent bien le
ieufne parTe fur tout ce qu ils rencontrent, n e"par-
gnant ni hommes, ni befles pour furieufes qu elles
foient.

Mais reuenons a noftre Pelerin, qui fit rencontre
en chemin de diuerfes Nations, dont on a defia cou-
che" les noms par ecrit. II vit fur tout les Kiliftinons,
qui font partagez en neuf differentes refidences ; les
vnes de mille, les autres de mille cinq cent hommes,
& font logez dans de grands bourgs, dans lefquels ils
laiffent leurs femmes & leurs enfans, pendant qu ils
courent 1 Orignac, & qu ils font leur chaff e du Caftor,
dont le poil leur eft fi peu conliderable, depuis que
1 Iroquois en empefche le debit, qu ils grillent [54]

1659- 60 j RELATION OF 1659-60 227

the land. The white Bears greatest dainty, ex
cepting the Bustards, on which they make war as
skillfully as do the most expert men, are the little
Whales, which they are constantly hunting, but not
without danger of falling into the jaws of the large
Whales. These, from a natural antipathy, [52]
devour in turn those animals by which their own
young are devoured. If, as sometimes happens, these
white Bears, coming together toward Springtime,
are borne out into the open sea on some block of ice
that has become detached from the shore, about the
month of June, it is then a fine sight to see these
new Argonauts voyaging at the mercy of winds and
storms, and contending for their lives against the
hunger that assails them on those floating icebergs,
or against the Whales that wait to devour them
when hunger shall force them to leap into the water
and fish for sea- wolves or sea-dogs. They often pass
whole months in this perilous seafaring, until at
length, by a stroke of good luck, their vessel is
wrecked by running aground [53] somewhere; for
then these animals leap ashore, utterly famished,
and make ample amends for the fast they have
endured, devouring everything in their path, and
sparing neither man nor beast to satisfy their raven
ous hunger.

" But let us return to our Pilgrim. On his way,
he met with various Nations whose names have
already been recorded. He noticed especially the
Kilistinons, who are divided among nine different
residences, some of a thousand, others of fifteen
hundred men; they are settled in large villages,
where they leave their wives and children while
they chase the Moose and hunt the Beaver. The

228 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

les Caftors au feu, comme on fait les Pores en France
pour les mettre pluftoft en eftat d eftre mangez
Noftre homme aiant viilte ces peuples, fe rendit chez
>itchib*renik, peuplade qui habile 1 entree de la
Baye, ou les Hurons autrefois, & les Nipifiriniens
loient en traitte, d ou ils rapportoient grande abon-
dance de Caftors, pour quelques baches, tranches,
oufteaux, & autres marchandifes femblables qu ils
eurs portoient. Pendant vn certain temps de
anne-e, 1 abondance de Cerfs eft plus grande encore
i ces quartiers, que celle de Caftors: elle eft bien fi
prodigieufe, qu ils en font prouifion pour vn an, foit
en la boucanant, qui eft leur fa 9 on plus ordinaire,
oit en la laiffant geler ; car vers ces pais Septentri-
ix, rien ne fe pourrit, [55] & ne fe corrompt
pendant la plus grande partie de 1 ann^e, & mefme
auan?ant vn peu plus vers le Nord, les corps ne per-
dentrien de leur beaute" long-temps apres la mort;
Is font auffi vermeils, & auffi entiers trente ans apr6s
eurs trefpas, que pendant leur vie; auffi dit-on qu en
ces pais-la, les morts s y portent bien, mais que les
viuans y deuiennent malades. On y voit des glaces,
les vnes de vingt-deux braiies, d autres de trois cent
trois cent foixante pieds, qui fe deprennent du
-mage, & qui fe caffent quelquefois auec tant de
violence, qu en tombant dans la mer elles excitent
par ce bouluerfement des tempeftes, qui ont mis des
vaiffeaux en danger d eftre fubmergez, & peut-eftre
auront-elles fait perir celuy duquel les Sauuages ont
veu [56] le debris fur leur riuage.

Ce que i admire le plus en cette terre infortunee,
2 eft de voir comme la Prouidence ne manque en
rien k fes creatures ; elle fupp!6e au de^faut des vnes

1659 - 60] R EL A TION OF 1659 - 60 229

skin of the latter is of so little value to them since
the Iroquois has prevented its sale, that they broil
[54] the Beavers over the fire, as is done with Swine
in France, to render them eatable the more quickly.
After visiting these tribes, our man betook himself
to the Pitchibourenik, a people dwelling at the
entrance to the Bay, whither the Hurons and Nipisi-
riniens formerly were wont to go for trade ; and
whence they procured a great abundance of Beavers
in exchange for hatchets, cleavers, knives, and other
like commodities, which they carried thither. Dur
ing a certain part of the year, the abundance of Deer
is still greater in these regions than that of Beavers ;
indeed, it is so enormous that they provision them
selves therewith for a year either by smoking the
flesh, which is their most usual method, or by letting
it freeze. For toward those Northern regions noth
ing decays [55] or becomes tainted during the greater
part of the year ; and, indeed, a little farther North
ward human bodies lose none of their beauty for a
long time after death, being as rosy and as intact
thirty years after their decease as during their life
time. And so it is said in those countries that the
dead are in good health, but the living fall ill. Ice
bergs are seen there, some of twenty-two brasses,
others of three hundred or three hundred and sixty
feet. These become detached from the shore, and
break sometimes with such violence that, on falling
into the sea, they arouse by this downfall, storms
that have put vessels in danger of being sunk ; they,
possibly, caused the destruction of the one whose
wreck the Savages have seen [56] on their coast.

" What excites my especial admiration in this
unfortunate land is to see how Providence fails its

230 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

par le fecours des autres, dont on ne s auiferoit
iamais. Quand on voit les bords de cette mer pref-
que fans arbres, foit a caufe de la rigueur du froid,
qui les empefche de croiftre, ou parce que les rochers
dont ces terres font prefque toutes couuertes, ne
peuuent nourrir de grands bois ; qui ne iugeroit que
Dieu n a pas voulu que ces terres fuffent habitees
par les homines, puifqu elles font li deftituees des
commoditez de la vie humaine? Neantmoins on
treuue des Nations qui peuplent ces rochers, & qui
rempliffent ce fol le plus ingrat, & le plus difgracie
de [57] la nature. Mais comment y peut-on viure
fans feu, puifque les froids font fi violens? Dieu y
a pourueu ; il leur donne tous les ans leur prouifion
de bois, il fe fert des cerfs comme de befte de charge,
pour leur en f aire porter leur prouifion ; ce font le
bois ou les comes des mefmes cerfs ; on en croira ce
que Ton voudra, mais on nous affeure que ces peuples
n ont point de meilleur feu, que celuy qu ils font du
bois de ces grands animaux, qui doiuent eftre en
prodigieufe quantite" pour fupple"er auec leurs bran
ches aux branches des chefnes, & des autres arbres
propres a brufler.

Mais ne quittons pas noftre Guide, qui va coftoiant
toute la Baye ; il ne fait pas mauuais auec luy, puif-
qu il affeure que le gibbier grand & petit ne luy
manque [58] point, & qu vn homme de fa fuite a tue
vn de ces Ours blancs dont nous auons parle ; nous
n auSs pas f9eu de luy fi la chair en eft auffi. bonne
que celle des Oyes fauuages, des Cignes, des Canards,
qui fe treuuent au mefme lieu dans le mois de May,
auffi bien qu vn nombre infini de petits oifeaux hupez,
d hirondelles, comme encore de martres, de lievres

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 231

creatures in nothing, supplying the defects of some
by aid from others, in a way one would never imag
ine. When one views the shores of this sea almost
destitute of trees, whether from the severity of the
cold, which prevents their growth, or because the
rocks with which these regions are almost entirely
covered cannot provide nourishment for large for
ests, who would not think it contrary to God s will
that these lands should be inhabited by man, since
they are so destitute of the conveniences of human
life? Nevertheless, Nations are found peopling
these rocks and occupying this soil which is most
sterile and most hard-favored by [57] nature. But
how can people live there without fire, when the cold
is so intense? God has provided for that; he gives
them their store of wood every year, and uses the
stags as beasts of burden to carry it to them. This
fuel consists of the wood or horns of the stags them
selves. You may believe what you choose; but we
are assured that these peoples have no better fire
than that which they make with the wood of these
great animals, which must be in prodigious numbers
to supply with their antlers the branches of oaks and
of other trees suitable for burning.

But let us not leave our Guide, who is coasting
along the entire Bay. It does not fare ill with him,
for he declares that he has no lack of game, large
and small; [58] and that a man in his company killed
one of those white Bears of which we made mention.
We did not learn from him whether its flesh is as
good as that of the wild Geese, Swans, and Ducks
that are found in the same region in the month of
May, as well as countless numbers of little tufted
birds and swallows, and likewise martins, white

232

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

blancs, & de renards noirs; & fi la poudre manque
pour la chaffe, on peut s adonner a la pefche des
truites & des faumons, que ces Sauuages fgauent fort
bien prendre fans filets, mais feulement auec le
harpon.

Apres que noftre Algonkin eut vifite" toutes les
Nations circonuoifmes de la Baye, & qu il fe fut
charge de leur part, de diuers prefens, que ces peu-
ples adreffoient [59] aux Franyois & aux Algonkins
de ces contrees, pour les attirer vers leur Bale, &
pour s y fortifier tous enfemble centre 1 Iroquois, il
quitta le riuage de la mer pour entrer dans les terres,
& pour chercher vn chemin vers Tadouffac, par des
vaftes forefts qu il n auoit iamais connues. Comme
il auan9oit dans le bois fans bouffole, & fans prendre
hauteur, il eut connoiffance de trois Riuieres; dont
1 vne conduit droit a noftre bourgade des trois
Riuieres ; il ne voulut pas prendre cette route, quoy
que bien plus courte, & plus certaine, mais bien plus
expofee aux Iroquois : Les deux autres Riuieres f e
rendent au lac de S. lean, ou eft la fource du fleuue
Saguene". II choifit la plus ecartee de ces deux
Riuieres, comme la plus feure, 1 autre n eftant pas
bien loin du [60] pais ou trois Nations ont eft6 defole"es
depuis deux ou trois ans par 1 Iroquois, & contraintes
de fe refugier chez les autres plus eloignees. Celles-
cy fe nomment les KepataSangachik, les Outabitibek,
& les Ouakb iechittek.

Enfin il s eft rendu a trente-deux lieues de Ta
douffac, ou m entretenant auec luy de fes auantures
& de fes voiages, il commenga a me dire par auance
1 eftat ou 1 Iroquois auoit reduit les Nations Algon-
kines vers le lac Superieur, & celuy des Ouinipeg.

1 659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 ~ 6 233

hares, and black foxes. If powder for hunting runs
short, one can resort to fishing for trout and salmon,
which those Savages well know how to catch, not with
lines, but with the harpoon simply.

After our Algonkin had visited all the Nations sur
rounding the Bay, and had laden himself with various
presents sent by those peoples [59] to the French
and Algonkins of these regions, to attract them to
their Bay, in order that they might all fortify them
selves there against the Iroquois, he left the sea-
coast to proceed inland and seek a road to Tadoussac,
through vast forests which were unknown to him.
As he was advancing through the woods, without
compass and without taking altitude, he learned of
the three Rivers, one of which leads straight to our
village of three Rivers. This route he would not
take, although it is much shorter and surer, but, at
the same time, much more exposed to the Iroquois.
The two other Rivers flow into lake St. Jean, whence
the river Saguene" takes its rise. He chose the more
remote of these two Rivers as the safer one, the
other being not very far from the [60] country where
three Nations were overthrown by the Iroquois, two
or three years ago, and compelled to seek a refuge
with other more distant ones. The names of these
latter are the Kepatawangachik, the Outabitibek,
and the Ouakwiechiwek.

Finally, he reached a spot thirty-two leagues from
Tadoussac, where he entertained me with an account
of his adventures and travels, and began to tell me
in advance the condition to which the Iroquois had
reduced the Algonkin Nations toward lake Superior
and the lake of the Ouinipeg. But scarcely had I
returned to Quebec when I found two Frenchmen

234 LES RELATIONS DES J^S UITES [VOL. 45

Mais a peine me fus-ie rendu a Quebec, que i y trou-
uay deux Frangois, qui ne faiffoient que d arriuer de
ces pai s fuperieurs, auec trois cent Algonkins, dans
foixante canots chargez de pelterie. Voicy ce qu ils
ont veu de leurs propres i eux, qui nous reprefentera
[61] 1 eftat des Algonkins du Couchant, apres auoir
parle iufqu a prefent de ceux du Nord.

Us ont hiuern6 fur les riuages du lac Superieur, &
ont efte affez heureux pour y baptifer deux cent
petits enfans de la Nation Algonkine, auec laquelle
ils ont premierement demeure". Ces enfans eftoient
attaquez de maladie & de famine, quarante font allez
droit au Ciel, eftant morts peu apre"s le Baptefme.

Nos deux Fran9ois firent pendant leur hiuernement
diuerfes courfes vers les peuples circonuoiiins ; ils
virent entre autres chofes a fix iournees au dela du
lac, vers le Suroiieft vne peuplade compofee des
reftes des Hurons de la Nation du Petun, contraints
par 1 Iroquois d abandonner leur patrie, & de s en-
f oncer fi auant [62] dans les forefts, qu ils ne puiflent
eftre treuuez par leurs ennemis. Ces pauures gens
s enfuiant & faifant chemin par des montagnes & fur
des rochers, au trauers de ces grands bois inconnus,
firent heureufement rencontre d vne belle Riuiere,
grande, large, profonde, & comparable, difent-ils, a
noftre grand fleuue de S. Laurens. Ils treuuerent
fur fes riues la grande Nation des Alimitfec, qui les
receut tres-bien. Cette Nation eft compofee de
foixante Bourgades, ce qui nous confirme dans la
connoiffance, que nous auions defia, de plufieurs
milliers de peuples qui rempliffent toutes ces terres
du Couchant.

Reuenons a nos deux Frangois: continuant leur

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 235

there who had but just arrived from those upper
countries, with three hundred Algonkins, in sixty
canoes loaded with furs. Following is an account
of what they saw with their own eyes ; ^ it will give
us a view [61] of the condition of the Algonkins of
the West, as we have until now mentioned those of
the North.

" They passed the winter on the shores of lake
Superior, and were fortunate enough to baptize there
two hundred little children of the Algonkin Nation
with whom they first made their abode. These
children were the victims of disease and famine;
and forty went straight to Heaven, dying soon after
Baptism.

" During their winter season, our two Frenchmen
made divers excursions to the surrounding tribes.
Among other things, they saw, six days journey
beyond the lake toward the Southwest, a tribe com
posed of the remnants of the Hurons of the Tobacco
Nation, who have been compelled by the Iroquois to
forsake their native land, and bury themselves so deep
[62] in the forests that they cannot be found by their
enemies. These poor people fleeing and pushing
their way over mountains and rocks, through these
vast unknown forests fortunately encountered a
beautiful River, large, wide, deep, and worthy of
comparison, they say, with our great river St. Law
rence. On its banks they found the great Nation of
the Alimiwec, which gave them a very kind recep
tion. This Nation comprises sixty Villages which
confirms us in the knowledge that we already
possessed, concerning many thousands of people who
fill all those Western regions.

" Let us return to our two Frenchmen. Continu-

236

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

ronde ils furent bien furpris en vifitant les Nadechi-
ec ; [63] ils viret des f emmes defigurees, & a qui on
auoit coupe" le bout du nez iufqu au cartilage, de forte
qu elles paroiffoient en cette partie du vifage, comme
des teftes de mort : de plus, elles auoient fur le haut
de la tefte vne partie de la peau arrachee en rond.
S eflant informez d ou prouenoit ce mauuais traite-
ment, ils apprirent auec admiration, que c eftoit la
loy du pai s, qui condamne a ce fupplice toutes les
femmes adulteres, arm qu elles portent grauees fur
le vifage la peine & la honte de leur peche" : ce qui
rend la chofe plus admirable, c eft que chaque
homme ayant en ce pais-la fept ou huit femmes, &
par confequent la tentation eftant bien plus grande
parmi ces pauures creatures, dont les vnes font tou-
fiours plus cheries que les autres, la loy [64] neant-
moins fe garde plus exadtement qu elle ne feroit
peut-eftre dans les Villes les mieux policies, fi elle y
eftoit eftablie. Si des Barbares qui ne font inftruits
que par la loy de la nature, ont de fi beaux fentimens
de 1 honneflete; quels reproches feront-ils vn iour
aux Chreftiens libertins, qui ont commandement de
fe creuer pluftoft les yeux que de leur rien permettre
au preiudice de leur falut? Ce qui ne fe fait pas
parmi les Chreftiens, eft pratique" par des Sauuages,
qui retranchent les parties les plus vifibles du vifage
qui a ferui de f can dale & de pierre d achopement.
Nos Francois ont viflte les quarante Bourgs dont cette
Nation eft compofe"e, dans cinq defquels on compte
iufqu a cinq mille homines: mais il faut prendre
conge de ces peuples, fans faire [65] pourtant grande
ceremonie, pour entrer dans les terres d vne autre
Nation belliqueufe, & qui auec fes fleches & fes arcs

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 237

ing their circuit, they were much surprised, on
visiting the Nadwechiwec, [63] to see women dis
figured by having the ends of their noses cut off down
to the cartilage; in that part of the face, then, they
resemble death s heads. Moreover, they have a
round portion of the skin on the top of their heads
torn away. Making inquiry as to the cause of this
ill treatment, they learned, to their admiration, that
it is the law of the country which condemns to this
punishment all women guilty of adultery, in order
that they may bear, graven on their faces, the penalty
and shame of their sin. What renders this custom
the more admirable is that, although each man in
that country has seven or eight wives, and tempta
tion is, consequently, much stronger among those
poor creatures, some of whom are always more
cherished than the others, yet the law [64] is more
strictly executed there than it would be perhaps in
the most highly civilized Cities, if it should be estab
lished therein. If Barbarians, who are instructed
only by the law of nature, have such excellent senti
ments of chastity, what reproaches will they make
some day to the libertine Christians who have the
commandment to pluck out their own eyes rather
than permit themselves anything prejudicial to their
salvation? What is not done among Christians is
practiced by Savages, who cut off the most con
spicuous parts of the face that has proved a source
of scandal and a stumbling-block. Our Frenchmen
visited the forty Villages of which this Nation is
composed, in five of which there are reckoned as
many as five thousand men. But we must take leave
of these people, without [65] much ceremony,
however, and enter the territories of another

238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 45

s eft rendue auffi redoutable parmi les Algonkins
fuperieurs, que 1 Iroquois 1 eit parmi les inferieurs;
auffi en porte-t-elle le nom de Ptfalak, c eft a dire les
Guerriers.

Comme le bois ell rare & petit chez eux, la nature
leur a appris a faire du feu auec du charbon de terre,
& a couurir leurs cabanes auec des peaux : quelques-
vns plus induftrieux fe dreffent des baftimens de
terre graffe, a peu pre"s comme les hirondelles baftif-
fent leurs nids; & ils ne dormiroient pas moms
doucement fous ces peaux & fous cette boue, que les
grands de la terre fous leurs lambris d or, s ils
n apprehendoient les Iroquois, qui les viennent [66]
chercher a cinq & fix cent lieues loin.

Mais fi 1 Iroquois y va, pourquoy n irons nous pas
auffi? s il y a des conqueftes a faire, pourquoy la foy
ne les fera-t-elle pas, puifqu elle en fait par tout le
monde? Voila des peuples infinis; mais le chemin
en eft ferme: il faut done rompre tous les obftacles,
& paffant a trauers de mille morts, fe ietter au milieu
des flammes pour en deliurer tant de pauures
Nations. On ne s eft pas epargn6 ni pour 1 vn ni pour
1 autre, & on n a laiffe perdre aucune occafion qui fe
foit prefent6e, pour courir a leur fecours; & nous y
courons encore prefentement, comme ie diray apres
auoir vn peu parle de 1 eftat pitoiable ou 1 Iroquois
a reduit les Hurons.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1639 - 60 239

Nation, which is warlike and which with its bows and
arrows has rendered itself as redoubtable among- the
upper Algonkins as the Iroquois among the lower ;
and so it bears the name of Poualak, which means
Warriors.

" As wood is scanty in supply and small in size in
their country, nature has taught them to make fire
with coal from the earth and to cover their cabins
with skins. Some of the more ingenious make them
selves buildings of loam, very nearly as the swallows
build their nests ; and they would sleep not less com
fortably under these skins and this mud than do the
great ones of the earth under their golden canopies,
if they did not fear the Iroquois, who come [66]
in search of them from a distance of five and six
hundred leagues."

But if the Iroquois goes thither, why shall not we
also? If there are conquests to make, why shall not
the faith make them, since it makes them in all parts
of the world? Behold countless peoples, but the
way to them is closed ; therefore we must break down
all obstacles, and, passing through a thousand deaths,
leap into the midst of the flames, to deliver therefrom
so many poor Nations. We have not spared ourselves
for any of them, nor have we let slip a single oppor
tunity that has presented itself for hastening to their
aid; and we are running to succor them again at
the present time, as I shall relate after saying a few
words concerning the pitiable condition to which the
Iroquois has reduced the Hurons.

240 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [ VOL. 45

[67] CHAPITRE IV.

DE L ESTAT DE LA NATION HURONNE, & DE SA DER-
NIERE DEFAITE PAR LES IROQUOIS.

SI iamais peuple a pu dire apres le Prophete, difti-
pata funt off a noftra, ce font les pauures Hurons
qui fe voient maintenant difperfez dans toutes
les parties de ces contrees ; ils ne viuent plus que
comme ces infectes, qui eftant tranchez en lambeaux,
rendent encore quelques marques de vie par le
mouuement qui refte aux parties couppees.

Mais s il appartient a quelqu vn de dire apr6s le
mefrne Prophete, Diftipa gentes qu<z bella volunt; c eft
a nous de les proferer contre les Iroquois, qui ne
viuent que de [68] fang & de carnage, & qui ne ref-
pirent que 1 air de la guerre: certes ils meritent bien
d eftre diffipez, apres auoir diffipe & mine" tous leurs
voifms, parmi lefquels il n y en a point qui aient plus
de fuiet de s en plaindre que les pauures Hurons.
Ces peuples compofoient, il y a quelque temps, la
Nation la plus fedentaire, & la plus propre pour les
femences de la foy, de toutes ces contrees ; & mainte
nant elle eft la plus errante, & la plus diffipee de
toutes. Et de vray, a la defaite de leur pai s, de
trente a quarante mille ames qu ils eftoient, ceux
qui furent tuez ou bruflez par les Iroquois, n en
faifoient que la plus petite partie. La famine qui fuit
la guerre, comme 1 ombre le corps, & qui traifne
apres foy les maladies, les attaqua bien plus rude-

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 241

[67] CHAPTER IV.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE HURON NATION, AND OF
ITS LATEST DEFEAT BY THE IROQUOIS.

IF ever a people could say with the Prophet, Dis-
sipata sunt ossa nostra, it is the poor Hurons,
who now see themselves scattered through all
parts of these regions. They are no longer alive,
except as are those insects which, on being cut into
pieces, still show some signs of life by the movement
remaining in the severed parts.

But if it be any one s right to say with the same
Prophet, Dissipa gentes quce bella volunt, it is for us
to utter these words against the Iroquois, who live
only on [68] blood and carnage, and breathe only the
air of war. Certainly they deserve to be scattered,
after having dispersed and ruined all their neighbors,
among whom there are none with more cause for
complaint than the poor Hurons. In all these
regions they constituted, some time ago, the most
settled Nation, and the one best fitted for receiving
the seed of the faith; and now they are the most
nomadic and the most scattered of all. To tell the
truth, when their country met with defeat, those
who were killed or burned by the Iroquois formed only
the smallest part of the thirty or forty thousand souls
constituting the nation. Famine which follows war
as the shadow follows the body, and which brings
diseases in its train attacked them much more
severely, but, I [69] may say, much more fortunately

242

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

ment ; mais ie [69] puis dire plus heureuf ement pour
eux, puifqu elle peupla le Paradis de la plufpart de
ces pauures gens, qui dans la defolation generale
de leur pais n auoient que cette confolation, qu ils
mouroient Chreftiens.

Le refte du debris qui put e"chapper, fe difperfa de
toutes parts, comme fait vne arme"e defaite & pour-
fuiuie par le vainqueur : les vns f e ietterent dans la
Nation neutre, penfans y trouuer vn lieu de refuge
par fa neutralit6, qui iufqu k lors n auoit point efte"
violee par les Iroquois: mais ces traiftres s en ferui-
rent pour fe faifir de toute la Nation, & la mener en
leurs pai s toute entiere f ous vne rude captiuite" : les
autres fe refugierent vers la Nation du Petun ; mais
celle-ci a bien efte" oblig6e de fe refugier elle-mefme
chez les [70] Algonkins fuperieurs. D autres cou-
rent dix iournees durant dans les bois: d autres
veulent aller & Andafto6 pai s de la Virginie : quel-
ques-vns fe refugient parmi la Nation du feu, & la
Nation des Chats : mefme vn Bourg entier f e ietta a
la difcretion des SonnontHaehronnons, qui eft 1 vne
des cinq nations Iroquoifes, & s en eft bien trouue,
s eftant conferue"e depuis ce temps-Ik en forme de
Bourg fepare" de ceux des Iroquois; ou les Hurons
viuent k la Huronne, & les anciens Chreftiens
gardent ce qu ils peuuent du Chriftianifme.

Ceux qui dans cette diffipation auoient pris parti
vers Quebec, & comme de bonnes oiiailles y auoient
voulu fuiure leurs pafteurs, viuoient en fort bons
Chreftiens a 1 Ifle d Orleans au [71] nombre de
cinq h fix cent ames, & y pafferent huit ans affez
paifiblement ; mais ils n ont pas efte plus affeurez
entre les mains des Frangois, qu en celles des autres

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60

243

for them, since it peopled Paradise with most of
them. Those poor people, in the general devasta
tion of their country, had only this consolation, that
they died Christians.

Those left from the wreck who could flee, scattered
in every direction, like an army defeated and pursued
by the victor. Some hastened to the neutral Nation,
expecting to find a place of refuge there, because
of its neutrality, which had not hitherto been vio
lated by the Iroquois ; but those treacherous people
embraced the opportunity to seize the whole Nation,
and carry it entire into a harsh captivity in their own
country. Others sought refuge with the Tobacco
Nation, but the latter was itself obliged to seek shelter
among the [70] upper Algonkins. Others wandered
for ten whole days in the woods, and still others
decided to go to Andastoe, a country of Virginia.
Some sought an asylum with the fire Nation and
the Cat Nation ; while one whole Village even threw
itself upon the mercy of the Sonnontwaehronnons,
one of the five Iroquois nations, and was well
received by them, having since then preserved its
identity, in the form of a Village apart from those of
the Iroquois. Here the Hurons live in Huron style,
and the old Christians retain what they can of
Christianity.

In this dispersion, those who had cast in their lot
with Quebec and, like good sheep, had decided to
follow their shepherds thither, lived like very good
Christians on the Isle of Orleans, to the [71] number
of five or six hundred souls. They passed eight
years there peacefully enough, although they were in
no greater security under shelter of the French than
under that of their fellow- Savages allied to them.

244

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

Sauuages leurs alliez. Nous auons veu, & nous
auons pleure leur enleuement ; nous auons eft<5 cou-
uerts de leur fang, quand 1 Iroquois par vne perfidie
abominable les a maffacrez entre nos bras ; il ne nous
en reftoit plus qu vne petite poign6e, qui nous a fait
tant de companion, que pour conferuer ce refte
precieux d vn peuple Chrefiien, feu Monfieur d Aille-
boufl, qui commandoit alors, leur fit baftir vn fort au
fein de Quebec, pour ne pas laiffer perir tout a fait
la Nation : mais ce refte nous a efte enfin enleue par
des refforts de la Prouidence, qui paffent toutes nos
veues, & qui [72] n en font pas moins adorables.
Us ont du moins peri glorieufement, puifqu ils ont
fauue ce pais par leur mort, ou du moins ont effuie
1 orage qui venoit fondre fur nous, & 1 ont deftour-
ne lors que nous en eftions le plus menacez, voicy
comment.

Quarante de nos Hurons qui faifoient 1 eflite de
tout ce qui nous reftoit ici de confiderable, conduis
par vn Capitaine affez fameux, nomme Anahotaha,
partirent de Quebec fur la fin de 1 hiuer paffe, pour
aller a la petite guerre, & dreffer des embufches aux
Iroquois a leur retour de la chaff e. Us pafferent par
les trois Riuieres, & la fix Algonkins fe ioignirent a
eux fous le commandement de Mititfemeg Capitaine
de confideration. Eftant arriuez en fuite a Montreal,
ils trouuerent [73] que dix-fept Francois, gens de
cceur & de refolution, auoient defia lie partie dans le
mefme deffein qu eux, s immolans genereufement
pour le bien publique, & pour la defenfe de la Reli
gion. Ils auoient choifi pour leur Chef le fieur
Dolard homme de mife & de conduite ; & quoy qu il
ne fufl arriu6 de France que depuis affez peu de

1 659 - 60] R EL A TION OF 1659 ~ 6 245

We saw and lamented their removal, and were
bespattered with their blood when the Iroquois,
with abominable perfidy, murdered them in our
arms. There remained to us only a mere handful of
them, which so excited our compassion that, in
order to preserve this precious remnant of a Chris
tian people, the late Monsieur d Ailleboust, who was
then in command, caused a fort to be built for them
in the heart of Quebec, to ensure the Nation against
perishing utterly. But this remnant has at length
been taken from us, through dispensations of Provi
dence utterly beyond our scrutiny, yet [72] none the
less adorable. They at least perished gloriously,
since by their death they saved this country, or,
at any rate, bore the brunt of the storm that was
about to break over us, and averted its fury when
we were most threatened by it, as will be seen
from what follows.

Forty of our Hurons, constituting the flower of all
those of importance that remained here with us,
toward the close of last winter set out from Quebec,
under the lead of a Captain of considerable renown
named Anahotaha, to wage petty warfare, and lay
ambuscades for the Iroquois when returning from
the chase. They stopped at three Rivers, where
six Algonkins joined them under the command of
Mitiwemeg, a Captain of note. Then arriving at
Montreal, they found [73] that seventeen Frenchmen
of courage and resolution had already formed a league
for the same purpose as their own, generously sacri
ficing themselves for the public good and the defense
of Religion. They had chosen sieur Dolard as their
Chief, a man of accomplishments and generalship ;
and, although he had but quite recently arrived from

246

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

temps, il fe treuua tout a fait propre pour ces fortes
de guerre, ainfi qu il 1 a bien fait paroiftre, auec fes
camarades, quoy que la fortune femble leur auoir
refufe la gloire d vne fl fainte, & Q genereufe entre-
prife.

Nos Sauuages heureux de groffir leur nombre d vne
bande fi lefte & fi refolue, s embarquent pleins d vn
nouueau courage, & nos Franjois fe ioignant k eux
rament [74] auec ioie, dans 1 efperance de furprendre
au pluftoft 1 ennemi. Leur marche fe faifoit de nuit
pour n eftre point decouuerts, & les prieres eftoient
reglees tous les matins & tous les foirs, s addreffans
tous a Dieu publiquement, chacun en fa langue ; de
forte qu ils faifoient trois Clioeurs bien agreables au
Ciel, qui n auoit iamais veu ici de fl faints Soldats,
& qui receuoit bien volontiers des vceux conceus en
mefme temps, en Francois, en Algonkin, & en
Huron.

Le fault S. Louis & les autres rapides ne leur
couftent rien a paffer; le zele & 1 ardeur d vne fi
fainte expedition leur fait meprifer le rencontre des
glaces, & le froid des eaux fraifchement fondues,
dans lefquelles ils fe iettoient vigoureufement, pour
[75] traifner eux-mefmes leurs Canots entre les
pierres & les glagons: Aiant gaigne le lac faint
Louis, qui eft au deffus de 1 Ifle de Montreal, ils
deftournent a droite, entrent dans la Riuiere qui
mene aux Hurons & vont fe pofter au deffous du
fault de la chaudiere, pour y attendre les Chaffeurs
Iroquois, qui felon leur couftume le deuoient paffer
file a file, en retournant de leur chaffe d hiuer.

Nos guerriers ne s yfurent pas pluftoft rendus,
qu ils furent apperceus par cinq Iroquois qui venoient

1659-60] RELATION OF 1659-60 247

France, he was entirely fitted for this kind of war
fare, as he well proved, and his comrades likewise;
yet fortune seems to have denied them the glory of
succeeding in so holy and courageous an enterprise.

Our Savages, glad to increase their own number
with so active and resolute a band, embarked, full of
new courage, our Frenchmen joining them and pad
dling along [74] in high spirits, hoping to surprise
the enemy very soon. They journeyed by night to
avoid discovery, and prayers were regularly held
every morning and evening, all addressing them
selves to God in public, each in his own language.
Thus they formed three Choirs, which Heaven was
pleased to behold ; it had never seen here such saintly
Warriors, and very gladly received vows couched in
the French, Algonkin, and Huron languages at the
same time.

They did not hesitate to pass the St. Louis falls
and the other rapids. The zeal and ardor of so holy
an expedition made them set at naught encounters
with the ice, and the coldness of the waters but
recently melted; they resolutely leaped into them to
[75] drag their Canoes with their own hands amid the
stones and the blocks of ice. Having gained lake
saint Louis, which is above the Island of Montreal,
they turned to the right and entered the River lead
ing to the Hurons, taking their position below the
falls of la chaudiere, there to await the Iroquois
Hunters, who, according to their custom, were
expected to pass that way in single file, on their
return from their winter s hunt.

Our warriors had no sooner reached this spot than
they were perceived by five Iroquois, who were coming
up to reconnoiter, and who returned up stream with

248

LESRELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

,

a decouuert, & qui remonterent en diligence, pour
aduertir tons les chaffeurs de fe reiinir, & de quitter
la pofture de chaffeur pour prendre celle de guerrier.
Le changement eft bien-toft fait; la petite hache a
la ceinture au lieu d efpee; le fufil a la [76] pointe
Canot, & 1 auiron en main: voite 1 equipage de
ces Soldats. Us fe raffemblent done, & les Canots
chargez de deux cent Onnontagehronnons s eftant
ioints, ils nauigent en belle ordonnance, & defcen-
dent grauement le fault; au deffous duquel, nos gens
furpris d vne fi prompte & fi reglee demarche, fe
voyat bien plus foibles en nobre, fe faififfant d vn
me-chant refte de fort, bafti en ce quartier la depuis
I Automne par nos Algonkins: ils tafchent de s y
gabionner du mieux qu ils peuuent. L Onnontage-
hronnon fait fes approches, & ayant reconnu [l ]enne-
mi 1 attaque auec furie; mais il eft receu fi verte-
ment, qu il eft oblige de fe retirer auec perte; ce
qui le fait fonger a fes rufes ordinaires, defefperant
d en venir a bout par la force: & afin d amufer [77]
nos gens pendant qu il appelle a fon fecours les
Agniehronnons, qui auoient leur rendez-vous aux
Ifles de Richelieu, il fait femblant de vouloir parle-
menter. Les Algonkins & les Hurons femblent y
vouloir prefter 1 oreille ; mais nos Francois ne f?auent
ce que c eft que de paix auec ces barbares, qui n ont
iamais traite d accommodement; qu on ne fe foit
apperceude leurs fourbes bien-toft apr<s: c eft pour-
quoy lors que tout paroiffoit fort paifible d vn cofte
du fort; de 1 autre nos gens fe treuuant attaquez par
trahifon, ne furent pas furpris, ils firent de fi bonnes
decharges fur les affaillans, qu ils les contraignirent
de fe retirer pour la feconde fois, bien eftonnez,

1 659 - 60] RELA TJON OF 1659 ~ 60 249

all speed in order to warn all the hunters to combine
together, drop the character of huntsmen, and assume
that of warriors. The change was quickly made ; a
small hatchet in the belt, instead of a sword, a musket
at the [76] Canoe s prow, and a paddle in the hand
such was the equipment of these Soldiers. They
assembled accordingly ; all the Canoes, containing two
hundred Onnontagehronnons, combined, and pro
ceeded in excellent order, steadily descending the
rapids. At the foot of the descent, our men, surprised
by so prompt and orderly an advance, and seeing them
selves far outnumbered, took possession of a wretched
remnant of a fort built in that neighborhood the pre
ceding Autumn by our Algonkins, and tried to
fortify themselves there with gabions as well as they
could. The Onnontagehronnon approached and,
after reconnoitering the enemy, attacked him furi
ously, but was received so warmly that he was forced
to retreat with loss. This made him turn his thoughts
toward his customary artifices, despairing of gaining
his end by force; and, in order to divert [77] our
men while summoning to his assistance the Agnie-
hronnons, whose rendezvous was on the Richelieu
Islands, he pretended to desire a parley. The
Algonkins and Hurons seemed inclined to give them
a hearing, but our French know no such thing as
peace with those barbarians, who have never treated
for an adjustment of differences without having their
trickery detected soon after. Therefore, while all
seemed very peaceful on one side of the fort, our
men, being treacherously attacked on the other,
were not taken by surprise, but delivered so hot a
fire against the assailants as to compel them to retreat
for the second time, in great astonishment that a

250 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

qu vne petite poignee de Franjois, peufl faire tefte
& deux cent Iroquois. Ils euffent [78] fans doute eu
la confufion toute entiere, & euffent efte defaits
entierement, comme ils ont auoiie", fi les Fran9ois
fuffent forti du fort 1 efpee k la main; ou fi les
Agniehronnons ne fuffent pas arriuez peu de temps
apres au nombre de cinq cent, auec des cris fi hor
ribles & fi puiffans que toute la terre circonuoifme
fembloit eftre pleine d Iroquois. Le fort eft enui-
ronne de tous coftez, on fait feu par tout iour &
nuit; les attaques fe font rudes & frequantes, pen
dant lefquelles nos Fra^ois firent toufiours admirer
leur refolution, leur vigilance, & fur tout leur piete",
qui leur faifoit employer a la priere le peu de temps
qu ils auoient entre chaque attaque; de forte que
fi-toft qu ils auoient repouffe 1 Iroquois, ils fe met-
toient a genoux, & ne s en [79] releuoient point
que pour le repouffer encore; & ainfi pendant dix
iours que dura ce Siege, il n auoient que deux
fondtions, prier & combattre, faifant fucceder 1 vne a
1 autre, auec 1 etonnement de nos Sauuages, qui
s animoient a mourir genereufement par de fi beaux

exemples.

Comme 1 ardeur du combat eftoit grande, & les
attaques prefque continuelles, la foif preffoit plus nos
gens que 1 Iroquois. II falloit effuier vne grefle
de plomb, & aller a la pointe de 1 epee puifer de
1 eau a la Riuiere, qui eftoit a deux cens pas du Fort,
dans lequel on treuua enfin a force de foui r, vn
petit filet d eau bourbeufe, mais fi peu, que le fang
decouloit des veines des morts & des bleffez,
bien plus abondamment que 1 eau de cette fource de
boue.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF tdjg - do 251

little handful of Frenchmen could offer resistance to
two hundred Iroquois. Doubtless, they would have
been [78] entirely routed and utterly defeated, as
they have admitted, had the French made a sortie
from the fort, sword in hand, or had not the Agnie-
hronnons arrived soon after, to the number of five
hundred, with such frightful and piercing yells that
all the country around seemed full of Iroquois. The
fort was surrounded on every side, and a general
discharge of musketry was kept up day and night.
The assaults were fierce and frequent, our French
men meanwhile never ceasing to arouse admiration
by their resolution, their vigilance, and above all
by their piety, which made them use in prayer the
little time they had between the several attacks.
Thus, as soon as they had repulsed the Iroquois,
they would go down on their knees, [79] rising only
to drive him back again. And so for ten days,
during which this Siege continued, they had but two
duties to perform, to pray and to fight, executing
them successively, to the astonishment of our
Savages, who were incited by such noble examples
to die bravely.

As the heat of the combat was great and the
assaults almost unintermittent, our men were pressed
with thirst more than by the Iroquois. They were
obliged to endure a hailstorm of lead, and go with
drawn swords to dip water from the River, which
was two hundred paces distant from the Fort. Here,
at last, by dint of digging, they found a tiny thread
of muddy water so little in quantity, however, that
the blood ran much more abundantly from the veins
of the dead and wounded than the water from this
miry spring.

252 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

[80] Cette neceffite mit le Fort en telle extremity,
que la partie ne paroiffant plus tenable aux Sauuages
qui y eftoient, ils fongerent a traitter de Paix, &
deputerent quelques Ambaffadeurs au camp ennemi,
auec de beaux prefens de pourcelaine, qui font en
ce pai s toutes les grandes affaires de la Paix & de la
Guerre. Ceux-cy furent receus des Iroquois auec
de grands cris, foit de ioie, foit de moquerie, mais
qui donnerent de la fraieur a nos Sauuages, defquels
vne trentaine eftant inuitez par leurs compatriotes
Hurons, qui demeuroient parmi les Iroquois, k fe
rendre auec affeurance de la vie fauterent malgre
tous les autres par deffus la paliffade, & laiffer[ent]
le Fort bien affoibly par vne fi infigne lafchete", qui
donna efperance [Si] aux Iroquois de fe rendre
maitres des autres fans coup ferir, ou par menaces,
ou par belles paroles. Quelques deputez s appro-
cherent pour cela du Fort, auec les Ambaffadeurs
qui en eftoient fortis: mais nos Francois qui ne fe
fioient point a tous ces pourparlers, firent fur eux
vne dcharge inopin6e, & ietterent les vns morts par
terre, & mirent les autres en fuite. Get affront
aigrit tellement les Iroquois, qu ils vinrent a corps
perdu, & tefte baiffee, s attacher a la paliffade, & fe
mirent en deuoir de la fapper k coups de baches, auec
vn courage qui leur faifoit fermer les i eux a tous les
dangers, & aux decharges continuelles qu on faifoit
fur eux. II eft vrai que pour fe garantir de la plus
grande partie de cette grefle, ils firent des mantelets
[82] de trois buches Ii6es cofte a cofte, qui les cou-
uroient depuis le haut de la tefte iufques a la moitie
des cuiffes, & par ce moien ils s attacherent au deffous
des canonniers des courtines, lefquelles n eftant pas

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 253

[80] This necessity reduced the Fort to such
extremities that, its defense seeming no longer
possible to the Savages occupying it, they thought of
treating for Peace, and delegated some Envoys to the
enemy s camp with fine presents of porcelain, which
are used in this country on all great occasions of
Peace and War. They were received by the Iroquois
with loud outcries, whether of pleasure or of mock
ery, which, however, alarmed our Savages. Some
thirty of these, on being invited by their fellow-
Hurons who were living among the Iroquois to
surrender, with the assurance that their lives would
be spared, leaped over the palisade, disregarding their
companions, and leaving the Fort much weakened
by so shameful an act of cowardice. This inspired
[81] the Iroquois with the hope of getting possession
of the rest, either by threats or by fair words, with
out striking a blow. For this purpose, some deputies
approached the Fort with the Envoys that had left it ;
but our Frenchmen, placing no confidence in all
these parleys, fired on them unexpectedly, stretching
some of them dead on the ground and putting the
rest to flight. This humiliation so incensed the Iro
quois that, with might and main, they rushed head
long to seize our palisade, and set about undermining
it with their hatchets, in a spirit of courage that made
them shut their eyes to all dangers and to the con
stant fire that was being leveled at them. It is true
that, to shelter themselves from most of this hail,
they made themselves mantlets [82] of three pieces
of wood lashed side to side, which covered them
from the crown of the head to the middle of the
thigh ; by this means they seized the curtains under
the cannoneers, and, as these defenses were not

254

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 45

flanquees, ils trauailloient a la fappe auec affez
d affeurance.

Nos Frangois emploierent tout leur courage & toute
leur indtiftrie en cette extremite; les grenades leur
manquant, ils y fuppleerent par le moien des canons
d vne partie de leurs fufils qu ils chargerent a creuer,
& qu ils ietterent fur leurs ennemis: ils s auiferent
mefme de feruir d vn baril de poudre, qu ils pouffe-
rent par deffus la paliffade ; mais par malheur aiant
rencontre vne branche en 1 air, il retomba dans le
Fort, & y caufa de grands defordres: [83] la pluf-
part de nos Fransois eurent le vifage & les mains
bruflees du feu, & les yeux aueuglez de la fumee que
fit cette machine ; dequoy les Iroquois prenans auan-
tage, fe faifirent de toutes les meurtrieres, & de
dehors tiroient, & tuoient dans le Fort ceux qu ils
pouuoient d<couurir dans 1 epaiff eur de la fum6e ; ce
qui les anima de telle forte, qu ils monterent fur les
pieux, la hache en main, defcendirent dans le Fort
de tous coflez, & y remplirent tout de fang & de car
nage, auec tant de furie qu il n y demeura que cinq
Franois, & quatre Hurons en vie, tout le refte aiant
efte tu< fur la place, auec le chef de tous nome
Anahotaha, qui fe voiant preft a expirer, pria qu on
lui mit la tefte dans le feu, afin d ofter a 1 Iroquois
la gloire d emporter fa cheueleure. [84] Laudaui
magis mortuos quhm viuentes. Ce fut fans doute dans
cette penfe"e du Sage, qu vn de nos Francois fit vn
coup furprenant : car voiant que tout eftoit perdu, &
s eftant apperceu que plufieurs de fes compagnons
bleffez a mort viuoient encore, il les acheua a grands
coups de haches, pour les deliurer par cette inhu-
maine mifericorde, des feux des Iroquois. Et de

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659 - 60 255

flanked, carried on their mining in considerable
security.

Our Frenchmen employed all their courage and
ingenuity in this extremity. As they had no gre
nades, they supplied the place of these with some of
their musket-barrels, which they loaded to burst
ing and threw down into the midst of their enemy.
They even hit on the plan of using a keg of powder,
and they threw one over the palisade ; but, unluckily
striking a branch in the air, it fell back into the Fort,
and wrought sad havoc there, [83] the greater part of
our Frenchmen having their faces and hands burned
by the fire, and their eyes blinded by the smoke
which this contrivance created. The Iroquois, tak
ing advantage of this, seized all the loopholes and
opened fire from the outside, killing all whom they
could see in the Fort through the thick smoke.
Animated by this success, they climbed the palisade,
hatchet in hand, and descended into the Fort from
all directions ; they filled the whole place with blood
and carnage, giving vent to such frenzy that only
five Frenchmen and four Hurons were left alive, all
the rest being killed on the spot, together with the
leader of the whole band, named Anahotaha. This
man, finding himself about to expire, begged that
his head might be put into the fire, in order to rob
the Iroquois of the glory of bearing off his scalp.
[84] Laudavi magis mortuos qubm viventes, it was
doubtless with this thought of the Sage in mind that
one of our Frenchmen executed a startling feat.
Seeing that all was lost, and that several of his com
panions who had been mortally wounded were still
alive, he despatched them with sturdy blows of his
hatchet, to deliver them, by this inhuman act of

256

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

fait, la cruaute fuccedant & la fureur, deux Frangois
aiant efte trouuez parmy les morts, auec quelque
fouffle de vie qui leur reftoit, on les fit la proie des
flammes ; au lieu d huile pour adoucir leurs plaies,
on y foura des tifons allumez, & des alefnes toutes
rouges : au lieu de lit pour f ouftenir les membres de
ces pauures moribonds, on les coucha fur la braife :
en vn mot [85] on brufla cruellement ces pauures
agonifans dans toutes les parties du corps, tant qu ils
demeurerent en vie. Pour les cinq autres Fra^ois,
auec tout le refte des captifs, tant ceux qui fe font
rendus volontairement, que ceux qui ont efte pris, on
les oblige de monter fur vn e"chafaut, ou on leur fait
les premieres careffes des prifonniers. On prefente
aux vns du feu & manger, on couppe les doits aux
autres, on brufle les iambes & les bras k quelques
autres: tous enfin re9oiuent les marques de leur
captiuite

Ce fpedtacle d horreur fi agreable aux yeux des
Iroquois, ne le fut pas moins, ie m affeure, aux yeux
des Anges, quad vn des pauures prifonniers Hurons
fe fouuenant des inftrudtions qu on lui auoit faites,
fe mit a, faire le Predicateur, [86] & k exhorter tous
ces patiens k fouffrir conftamment ces cruautez, qui
pafferoient bien-toft, & feroient fuiuies du bon-heur
eternel, puifque ce n efhoit que pour la gloire de
Dieu, & pour le zele de la Religion qu ils auoient
entrepris cette guerre centre les ennemis de la Foi.
Ie ne fgai ii 1 Eglife naiffante a veu rien de plus beau
dans fes perf ecutions ; vn barbare prefcher lefus-
Chrift, & faire d vn e"chafaut vne chaire de Dodteur,
& fi bien faire que 1 echafaut fe change en Chapelle
pour fes auditeurs, qui parmi leurs tourmens, & au

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF i6 5 g - 60 257

mercy, from the fires of the Iroquois. And in truth,
cruelty succeeding to fury, two Frenchmen with some
breath of life left in them being found among the
dead, they were made the prey of the flames. In
stead of oil to ease their wounds, lighted firebrands
and red-hot awls were thrust into them ; and in place
of a bed to hold these poor dying men s limbs, they
were made to lie on the embers. In a word, [85]
these poor creatures, in their death-agony, were
cruelly burned in all parts of their bodies as long as
life was left in them. As for the five other French
men, they and all the rest of the captives, both
those who surrendered voluntarily, and those who
were captured, were forced to mount a scaffold,
where the first caresses bestowed on prisoners were
given them. Some were given fire to eat, others had
their fingers cut off, and still others their legs and
arms burned ; all, in short, received marks of their
captivity.

This scene of horror, so agreeable to the eyes of
the Iroquois, was not less so, I am sure, to those of
the Angels, when one of the poor Huron prisoners,
remembering the instructions he had received,
assumed the character of Preacher [86] and exhorted
all those sufferers to endure with constancy these
cruelties, which would soon pass and be followed by
eternal happiness, since they had undertaken this
war against the enemies of the Faith only for the
glory of God and out of zeal for Religion. I doubt
whether the early Church saw anything more beau
tiful in its persecutions, a barbarian preaching
Jesus Christ and making a Doctor s chair of a scaf
fold. And he did it so well that the scaffold became
changed into a Chapel for his hearers, who, amid

258 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

milieu des feux font leurs prieres comme s ils eftoient
aux pieds des Autels ; & ils ont touliours continue a
les faire pendant leur captiuite, s y exhortant les vns
les autres lors qu ils fe rencontroient.

[87] Apres que la premiere rage des Iroquois fut
raffaffi.ee par la veue de leurs prifonniers, & par ces
coups d effai de leur cruaute", ils font le partage de
leurs captifs : deux Francois font donnez aux Agnie-
ronnons, deux aux Onnontagueronnons, le cinquie me
aux Onneitftheronnons, pour leur faire gouter a tous
de la chair des Fra^ois, & leur faire venir 1 appetit
" & 1 enuie d en manger, c eft a dire, les inuiter a vne
fanglante guerre, pour venger la mort d vne ving-
taine de leurs gens tuez en cette occafio. Apre"s la
diftribution on decampe, & Ton quitte la refolution
prife de venir inonder fur nos habitations, pour me-
ner au pluftoft dans le pai s ces miferables vidlimes,
deftinees a repaiftre la rage & la cruaute de la plus
barbare de toutes les Nations. II faut ici donner
[88] la gloire a ces dix-fept Fra^ois de Montreal, &
honorer leurs cendres d vn eloge qui leur eft deu auec
iuftice, & que nous ne pouuons leur refufer fans
ingratitude. Tout eftoit perdu s ils n euffet peri, &
leur malheur a fauue ce pai s, ou du moins a coniure"
1 orage qui venoit y fondre, puif qu ils en ont arrefte"
les premiers efforts, & d6tourne tout k fait le cours.

Cependant pour s affeurer des captifs fur les che-
mins, tous les foirs on les eftend prefque tout nuds
fur le dos, fans autre lit que la plate terre, dans
laquelle on fiche quatre pieux pour chacun des pri-
fonniers, afin d y Her leurs pieds & leurs mains ouuer-
tes & eftendues en forme de Croix de faint Andre.
On enfonce de plus en terre vn cinquieme pieu,

1659 - 60] RELA T1ON OF 1639 - 60 259

their torments and in the midst of the flames, offered
their prayers as if they were at the foot of the Altar ;
and they still continued to offer them during- all their
captivity, exhorting each other thereto whenever
they met.

[87] After the first fury of the Iroquois had been
appeased by the sight of their prisoners and by these
trial strokes of their cruelty, they divided their cap
tives. Two Frenchmen were apportioned to the
Agnieronnons, two to the Onnontagueronnons, and
the fifth to the Onneioutheronnons, to give them all
a taste of French flesh, and impart to them an appe
tite and a desire to eat of it, that is, to invite them
to a bloody war for avenging the deaths of a score of
their men killed on this occasion. After this dis
tribution they departed, abandoning their intention
to come and overwhelm our settlements, in order the
sooner to conduct to their several countries those
wretched victims, destined to appease the rage and
cruelty of the most barbarous of all Nations. We
must here give [88] glory to those seventeen French
men of Montreal, and honor their ashes with a eulogy
which is justly their due, and which we cannot refuse
them without ingratitude. All had been lost had
they not perished, and their disaster saved this coun
try, or, at least, exorcised the storm that threat
ened to burst over it, since they checked its first
movements and entirely diverted its course.

Meanwhile, to make sure of their captives on the
way, they every evening stretch them out almost
entirely naked on their backs, with no other bed
than the bare earth, into which are driven four stakes
for each of the prisoners, for binding thereto their
feet and hands, the latter being open, and the limbs

260 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 45

auquel on attache vne corde, qui [89] prend le pri-
fonnier par le col, & le ferre de trois ou quatre tours.
Enfin on le ceint par le milieu du corps, auec vn
collier: c eft vne fa ? on de fangle, dont les Sauuages
fe feruent en toutes fortes d vfages: & celui qui a
foin d vn captif, prend les deux bouts du collier, &
les met fous foi pendant qu il dort, afin d eftre eueille"
fi fon homme rermie tat foit peu. Cette feule pofture
durat toute vne nuit, dans cette cotrainte, a la merci des
Maringouins & des Mouf quites, qui ne ceff ent de piquer
iufqu au vif, & qui fucent le fang par tout le corps,
eft fans doute vn cheualet bien rude ; & c eft le traite-
met que nos pauures Fra?ois auec les autres captifs
regoiuent toutes les nuits, pour les difpofer aux tour-
mens du feu, aufquels ils fe doiuent bien attendre.
Mais voions coment nonobftant [90] toutes ces pre
cautions quelques Sauuages fe fauuerent fi heureufe-
ment, que ces fortes d euafions peuuent paffer pour
de petits miracles. C eft d eux que nous auons
appris ce que nous auons dit cy-deffus.

1659 - 60] RELA TION OF 1659-60 261

extended in the form of a saint Andrew s Cross. A
fifth stake is also driven into the ground and a cord
fastened to it, which [89] is tightly wound about the
prisoner s neck three or four times. Finally, he is
bound around the waist with a belt, a kind of strap
that the Savages use for all sorts of purposes ; and
he who has charge of a captive takes the two ends of
the belt and puts them under him while he sleeps,
in order to be awakened if his man moves ever so
little. This single position during a whole night,
under such constraint and at the mercy of the Gnats
and Mosquitoes, which sting incessantly to the very
quick, and suck the blood in all parts of the body,
is undoubtedly a very severe torture ; and such is the
treatment that our poor Frenchmen, as well as the
other captives, receive every night, to prepare them
for the tortures by fire which they are confidently to
expect. But let us see how, despite [90] all these
precautions, several Savages effected their flight,
with such good luck that escapes of this sort may be
regarded as little miracles. From these men we
learned the facts given above. 18

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA : VOL XLV

XCIX

The original of this letter of Bishop Laval, ad
dressed to the father general, under date of August,
1659, was in the domestic archives of the Society, at
Rome, when copied by Father Felix Martin about
1858; but could not be found among the MSS. of the
order, when, in 1897, search was made in the interest
of this series. We are obliged, therefore, to follow
Father Martin s copy, in Carayon s Premiere Mission,
pp. 257-259.

In reprinting Jerome Lalemant s little annual for
1659 (Paris, 1660), entitled Lettres envoie"es de la Nov-
velle France, we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy
edition in the Lenox Library. It consists of three
of Lalemant s letters, each dated "A Kebec " in 1659,
and respectively as follows : " 12. de Septemb.," " 10
d Odtobre," and " 16 d Odt." The " Priuilege " was
" Donne" a Paris le 26. Decembre 1660," while the
date of the Permif sion is the same as that of the
Relation of 1657-58, namely " Donne a Paris, au
mois de Decembre 1658." The volume forms no.
113 of Harrisse s Notes.

Collation: Title, with verso blank, i leaf; " Pre
miere Lettre," pp. 3-21; " Seconde Lettre," pp.
21-33; " Troisieme Lettre," pp. 34-49; " Extrait

264

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES

du Priuilege du Roy," p. ( l); " Permifsion," with
verso blank, i leaf. Signatures: A-C in eights, D
No mispaging; but in two of the three
copies in the Bibliotheque Nationale the pagination
of p. 3 is omitted.

Five copies are known to be now extant ; one other
opy was burned ; and there is an interesting fac
simile, done by pen each of which we describe at
length.

i. A good copy (the Neilson) was burned on Feb-

uary i, 1854, in the fire which destroyed many

mportant volumes of the now Canadian Library of

D arhament (then at Quebec). An account of this

>nflagration will be found in our description of the

rare fragmentary annual for 1655 (Paris, 1656), the

.opte de devx Lettres. The statements made therein

(q.v.) apply likewise to the present volume.

There are three copies in the Bibliotheque
Nationale of Paris; all of them bearing the class-
mark Reserve Lk 741." We are indebted to
msieur Viennot, sous-bibliothhaire of that library,
for a detailed description of each copy. They are
entical, save that in two of the copies the pagina
tion of p. 3 is omitted. Their binding (boards) is of
a comparatively recent date probably since 1850;
measurements are as follows :

No. i - - 15 cent, i mill, by 9 cent. 8 mill.
No. 2 16 cent, i mill, by 9 cent. 8 mill.
No. 3 - - 16 cent. 4 mill, by 10 cent.
The omission of pagination already alluded to
occurs in nos. i and 2. These copies were in the
brary in the days of Van Praet, early in this cen
tury; and it is believed that they have been there
since the particular year of their publication. No.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XLV 265

3 formed part of the Bibliotheque de la Sorbonne,
and during the period of the French Revolution
became a part of the now Bibliotheque Nationale.
It is the best copy of the three, and contains also a
manuscript pagination, which is proof of its having
been at one time a part of a collection of pamphlets.
3. The Lenox copy measures 6^ by 4 T V inches.
It is at present unbound ; but the last line of the
title-page (" Auec Priuilege du Roy.") has been cut
off by a former binder. Harrassowitz offered it in
1882 (no. 40) for 2,500 marks, together with twenty-
five other Relations, each of the latter with its own
catalogue price. The entire lot was sold en bloc to
the late Charles H. Kalbfleisch. His son sold this
particular nugget, through J. Osborne Wright, a
bookseller in New York, to the late George H. Moore,
at the time superintendent of the Lenox Library, for
$500. Upon the death of Dr. Moore, it passed to his
heirs, from whom it was bought (June 14, 1893) by
the Lenox Library, for $500.

4. Albert Gallatin, the American statesman, had
a copy. It was in the possession of his descendant,
Count de Gallatin, as late as 1893, when he offered
it to the Lenox Library. But it was not included
among the collection of Relations which he sold at
that time to Dodd, Mead & Co., and which is now
the property of a well-known private collector of
Brooklyn, N. Y. The volume, in a desirable state
of preservation, is presumed to be still in the Count s
possession.

5. Laval University, at Quebec, has not a printed
original ; but contains a carefully-executed pen-fac
simile, the work of a nun of the Hotel-Dieu. It is
a fact worthy of record, since it exhibits the estima-

266 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

tion in which these works are held by the religious.
Prior to 1851 -52, American students, who gave to
the New France Relations a special study, were not
aware of the existence of the annual under considera
tion ; nor was its title so much as known to them.
About that time the Neilson copy was among the
Relations which were housed in the Canadian Library
of Parliament; and Dr. O Callaghan, having been
apprised of its existence, communicated the news to
Mr. Lenox in a letter dated at Albany, N. Y., Sep
tember 14, 1852. Mr. Lenox at once wrote to O Cal
laghan (September 22), expressing a desire for a
transcript. The latter s reply recommended George
B. Faribault, of Quebec, as the proper person to
whom an application should be addressed. Permis
sion was granted, and a transcript, under Mr. Fari-
bault s direction, was made by George Miville de
Chene, of Quebec, for \. We have examined the
receipt for this transaction, which bears the date of
December 14, 1852. After the Quebec original had
been burned, as already stated, Mr. Lenox had a
limited edition printed for private circulation. It
was issued in both large and small paper (i2mo and
i8mo) form. This reprint contains a few errors, due
to faulty transcription. There was, of course, no
way of proving the text, after the destruction of the
only copy known to Americans. The apograph from
which Mr. Lenox s reprint was made, as well as his
large paper copy with canceled title-pages and other
leaves (at the end), and his ordinary copies, are now
in the Lenox Library. Mr. Lenox s munificence and
scholarly interest in behalf of the Jesuit Relations
must ever put Americanists under great obligations
to him.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XLV

267

CI

For bibliographical particulars of the Journal des
Jtsuites, see Vol. XXVII.

CII

In reprinting the Relation of 1659-60 (Paris, 1661),
we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy edition in
Lenox Library. No author s or editor s name is
attached to this annual; it cannot, therefore, be said
who was individually responsible for its issuance. A
letter from Rene Menard is inserted on pp. 152 - i54>
which bears the date " Des trois Riuieres ce 27.
d Aouft a 2. heures apres minuit. 1660." The
"Priuilege" was "Donne a Paris le 15. lanuier
1 66 1 ; " and the " Permifflon " was given " A Paris,
le 8. lanuier, 1661." The volume forms no. 115 of
Harrisse s Notes.

Collation: Four preliminary leaves, consisting of:
blank, i leaf; title, with verso blank, i leaf: Priui
lege," with "Permiffion on the verso, i leaf;
" Tables des Chapitres," pp. (2); the text covers pp.
1-202. Signatures: Four preliminary leaves, with
out signature marks, A - M in eights, N in four. The
signature marks for Aiiij and Eiiij are by mistake
printed Aiij and Eiij, respectively. The pagination
is quite erratic. Pages 95 and 96 are in duplicate;
142 is mispaged as 141; and there are no pp. I43
144, 177, and 178. If the paging were consecutive,
there would be 200 pages of text.

Copies have been sold as follows: O Callaghan
(1882), no. 1239, sold for $45, and had cost him $38-75
in gold; Barlow (1890), no. 1309, sold for $70; and
at the Lenox duplicate sale at the auction rooms of
Bangs & Co., New York City, April 29, 1895, a copy

268

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES

(item 177) was sold to Dodd, Mead & Co., for $52.50.
Copies are possessed by the following libraries:
Lenox, New York State Library, Harvard, Brown
(private), Ayer (private), Laval University (Quebec),
Library of Parliament (Ottawa), British Museum, and
Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris).

NOTES TO VOL. XLV

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages

of English text.)

i (P- 35)- Frangois de Laval de Montmorency was born in the
diocese of Chartres, April 30, 1622, of an old and noble French
family. While still a child, he became a pupil at the Jesuit college
of La Fleche ; he was even then devoted to the religious life, for he
received the tonsure before he was nine years old (according to
Langevin), and, when but fifteen, was appointed to a canonical
position in the cathedral at Evreux. Upon this occasion, he took
the ecclesiastical appellation of Abbe de Montigny. His two elder
brothers dying, Francois became heir of the titles and estates of his
family; but he renounced all these (1646) in favor of a younger
brother, that he might become a priest. He had begun his theolog
ical education at the age of nineteen, at the college of Clermont;
he now continued his studies there, and was also a member of the
Congregation of Externes connected with the college. In 1650, he be.
came one of a little society of five, who maintained a sort of monastic
life in Paris, devoting themselves to philanthropic activities: from
this, later, sprang the Societe des Missions Etrangeres. In 1657
arose the question of a bishop for New France; the contest lay
between the Sulpitians and the archbishop of Rouen on one side,
and the Jesuits and the court of France on the other. Laval, as the
candidate of the latter party, gained the appointment (vol. xliii.,
note 9) ; and in June, 1659, he arrived in Canada as titular bishop of
Petraea, and vicar apostolic of New France. Not until 1674 was the
bishopric of Quebec erected, Laval s title being changed accord
ingly. It was he who founded (March, 1663) the Seminary of
Quebec, for the training of the Canadian clergy; and in 1668, he
established the Petit Seminaire. In 1665, he united the former insti
tution with that of the Missions Etrangeres, in Paris: and finally
(1680) donated all his property as an endowment for the Seminary s
support. Laval resigned his bishopric in 1685, and Jean de St.
Vallier was appointed his successor, although the latter did not
assume his new position until 1688. Laval also returned to Canada
in that year; his public life was now finished, except that he several
times aided in the administration of the bishopric, during the absence

270 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

of St. Vallier in Europe. The Seminary being destroyed by fire in
1705, Laval took refuge at the Jesuit residence in Quebec, where he
remained until his death. May 6, 1708. Perhaps the most notable
features of his administration were his efforts to check the liquor
traffic, and his extension of missionary enterprises throughout New
France, especially in the Mississippi valley. See Langevin s Notice
Biographique of Laval (Montreal, 1874). Cf. Rochemonteix s
Jlsuites, t. ii., pp. 239-331. There are some discrepancies in their
statements regarding Laval s earlier life; we follow Rochemonteix
in these matters.

2 (P- 59)- Regarding the early Jesuit labors in Acadia, see vol.
iv., <?/,? 46; the settlements made by Nicolas Denys, vol. ix., note 26.

3 (p. 69). For citations concerning the Eskimos, see vol. xviii.,
note 13.

4 (p. 81).- This phrase is in Father Chaumonot s writing." The
following side-note, which mentions the deputies as Agnier, and
is - "like the next one, and most of the others in a hand con
siderably more modern than Father de Quen s, is not consistent
with the text; the ambassadors were Onneyouts " (Quebec ed. of
Journal, p. 251, notes ).

5 (p. 87).- What follows, up to the month of May, is again in
Father Chaumonot s writing " (Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 253, note}.

6 (P- 95)- Claude 1 Archeveque, a native of Caux, France, was
married at Quebec, in 1645 ; he had eight children.

Jean de Noyon is mentioned in the Journal as departing for
France in October, 1659. Tanguay does not speak of him; but
Suite (Canad.-Fran., t. iii., p. 151, note 3) says, " He married, and
settled in the country."

7 (p. 105). The Misisager (Missisakis, Mississaguas) were located
on the north shore of Lake Huron, when the French first encoun
tered them. Perrot says (Memoire, Tailhan s ed., p. 85): "When
all the Outaouas were scattered toward the lakes, the Saulteurs and
the Missisakis fled to the north, and then tc Kionconan [Keweenaw],
when game failed them." Later, they returned to their old terri
tory, and after a time became^allies of the Iroquois. Cf. vol. xviii.
of this series, note 16; also N. Y. Colon. Docs., passim.

8 (p. 107). Jean Baptiste Peuvret, sieur du Menu, born in 1632,
married (1659) Marie, widow of Louis de Lauson, by whom he had
five children. Peuvret had a fief on Orleans Island ; he was also a
member of the Supreme Council during many years, and, during
.most of that time, its recorder. He died in May, 1697.

9 (p. in). "Here ends Father de Quen s handwriting; what

NOTES TO VOL. XLV 271

follows, as far as Aug. 3, 1665, inclusive, is from the hand of Father
Jerome Lalemant" (Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 263, note}.

10 (p. 113). In regard to the relations between Canada and Rouen,
see vol. xvi., note 5; and vol. xxxviii., pp. 185-189. In Quebec ed.
of Journal, Laverdiere cites Faillon (Col. Fran., t. ii., p. 346) to
show that the latter, in quoting this passage in the/c?#ra/, omitted
the last words therein, pour le spzrituel, thus giving a wrong
impression of Laval s exercise of authority.

11 (p. 113). Reference is here made to the death of Jean de Ber-
nieres-Louvigny (vol. xvi., note 6), which occurred May 17, 1659,
his age being 57.

12 (p. 115). The decision in regard to Sillery reads thus, in
English: "That residence must certainly be taken back from the
Hurons, that is, they shall form one establishment with us, having
the same supervision ; if those who dwell in the woods return thither,
it shall be restored to their ownership."

13 (p. 119). This Joseph Dubuisson was probably Joseph (born
in 1649), son f Jean Guyon du Buisson, and grandson of Jean Guy on
(vol. xxvii., note 16). Joseph married (1674) Genevieve Cloutier, by
whom he had ten children. The time of his death is not recorded,
but must have been after 1695.

14 (p. 119). It is difficult to identify all the Seminarists here men
tioned. St. Martin may have been Antoine Adhemar (sieur de St.
Martin, at Champlain, according to census of 1681), mentioned by
Tanguay as a royal notary. The same authority states that one
Amador, born in 1640, died at Quebec in 1690. Germain Morin
became a priest (vol. xlii., note 36).

15 (p. 121). Henri de Bernieres, a nephew of Jean (note ii, ante),
was born at Caen, about 1635. Educated at the Jesuit college there,
he was appointed cure of St. Pierre, at Caen. He came with Laval
to Canada (1659), keeping his intention to do so a secret from his
mother and other relatives, except his uncle Jean. At Quebec,
Henri completed his studies, and was ordained a priest. In 1660,
he was appointed cure of Quebec, and at once undertook to procure
the erection of a suitable clergy -house, which was finished in 1663.
In the same year was founded the Seminary of Quebec, of which
De Bernieres was the first superior; he also made (1672) a liberal
donation for its endowment. He was cure of the parish church at
Quebec from October, 1660, to the spring of 1687; he also was grand
vicar for Laval, during the absences of the latter acting in his place ;
and he remained superior of the Seminary until 1688, also occupy
ing that position during the years 1693-97. He died Dec. 4, 1700.

272 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

16 (p. 129). These priests were Jean Torcapel and Philippe Pele-
rin. The former officiated in the parish church; the latter, at the
Ursuline convent. Both returned to France in October, 1660.

17 (p. 149). Frangois Pelletier was a son of Nicolas (vol. xxxvi.,
note 39). In April, 1660, he married a Christian Indian girl, named
Dorothee, who died at Quebec a year later. In September, 1661,
Francois was again married, to Marguerite Morisseau ; they had ten
children. The date of his death is not recorded.

18 (p. 157). The defeat here mentioned was that of Bollard and
his companions at the Long Sault (vol. xii., note 29); it is fully
described in the Relation of 1660, chap. iv.

19 (p. 219). Reference is here made to Lake Nipissing.

20 (p. 221). The "turquoises" described by the Indian were
amethysts, which are abundant in the rocks of that region. The
alleged grains of gold were doubtless iron pyrites. "St. Joseph s
chapel " evidently refers to the mission of that name at the Huron
villages of Ihonatiria and Toanche (vol. v., note 61).

21 (p. 223). The name St. Esprit (Span., Espiritu Santo} appears
on the Franquelin map (1684) at what is now Mobile Bay. The
early Spanish explorers applied the same name to either Matagorda
or Galveston Bay.

22 (p. 223). Hendrik Hudson discovered the bay which bears his
name, Aug. 3, 1610. In 1612-13, Sir Thomas Button, an English
commander, visited Hudson Bay, wintered on its shores, and thor
oughly explored the bay and Southampton Island. He discovered
the Nelson River, and at its mouth, which he called Port Nelson, he
made his winter abode.

23 (p. 235). The two Frenchmen here referred to were Radisson
and Groseilliers, who had just returned from their second western
voyage, after an absence of two years. See Radisson s account of
this expedition, in his Voyages (Prince Soc.), pp. 134-172.

-"<"- -*< I*

X